United States v. Hamilton ( 2022 )


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  • Case: 21-11157    Document: 00516444407         Page: 1   Date Filed: 08/23/2022
    United States Court of Appeals
    for the Fifth Circuit                           United States Court of Appeals
    Fifth Circuit
    FILED
    August 23, 2022
    No. 21-11157                     Lyle W. Cayce
    Clerk
    United States of America,
    Plaintiff—Appellee,
    versus
    Ruel M. Hamilton,
    Defendant—Appellant.
    Appeal from the United States District Court
    for the Northern District of Texas
    USDC No. 3:19-CR-83
    Before King, Elrod, and Southwick, Circuit Judges.
    Jennifer Walker Elrod, Circuit Judge:
    Ruel Hamilton gave money to members of the Dallas City Council.
    He received nothing tangible in return. He was later indicted under 
    18 U.S.C. § 666
     for two counts of “bribery concerning a local government
    receiving federal benefits,” plus a conspiracy count under § 371.
    The question here is whether federal-programs bribery under § 666 requires
    a quid pro quo. We conclude that it does. We thus VACATE Hamilton’s
    convictions and REMAND for proceedings consistent with this opinion.
    Case: 21-11157     Document: 00516444407           Page: 2   Date Filed: 08/23/2022
    No. 21-11157
    I.
    Hamilton is a real-estate developer in Dallas who is known for his
    involvement in local politics. One local politician he supported was Carolyn
    Davis, who was a member of the Dallas City Council.              Among the
    councilmembers, she served as the Chair of the Dallas Housing Committee.
    Several times between 2013 and 2015, Hamilton gave money to a non-profit
    called “Hip Hop Government” (HHG), which focused on combining “hip-
    hop culture with Government.” That non-profit was owned and operated by
    Davis’s close friend (and campaign manager), Jeremy Scroggins. Some of
    those donations were used for HHG’s legitimate purposes; others were
    purportedly given to HHG, cashed by Scroggins, then given to Davis
    personally. Hamilton also teamed up with Davis to support other city-
    council candidates in the 2015 election cycle: He gave money to her preferred
    candidates and gave her cash to help pay for those candidates’ workers.
    Right around that 2015 election cycle, Hamilton was trying to secure
    some low-income-housing tax credits for one of his real-estate ventures, the
    Royal Crest project. These tax credits were offered not by the City of Dallas,
    but by the Texas Department of Housing and Community affairs (a state
    agency). The City Council would eventually vote to “recommend” a slate
    of projects to the state agency for these tax credits. Davis, for her part,
    lobbied to have the Royal Crest project included among those projects. Sure
    enough, Royal Crest made the cut, and the City Council passed a resolution
    recommending a handful of real-estate developments to the state agency for
    these tax credits. With that resolution came a promise: If the state agency
    signed off on the tax credits, the City would help fund those projects to the
    tune of $2.7 million. Alas, the state agency did not grant any low-income-
    housing tax credits to any of the real-estate projects the City Council
    recommended.
    2
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    A few years later, Hamilton needed to get a paid-sick-leave ordinance
    on the ballot in the upcoming election. Though he did like the ordinance for
    its own sake, he really wanted it on the ballot because he knew it would
    increase the voter turnout (which would ostensibly help his preferred
    candidates). He first tried to get the ordinance on the ballot by collecting
    voters’ signatures, but he did not get enough signatures in time. The only
    other way to get it on the ballot was through a vote by the City Council, and
    the City Council could not vote on it unless the Mayor put the ordinance on
    the agenda to discuss. So Hamilton called Dwaine Caraway, another member
    of the Dallas City Council.
    Caraway was busy at the time. Unfortunately for Hamilton, Caraway
    was in the middle of signing some plea documents with the FBI over roughly
    $500,000 he had taken in kickbacks and bribes in another case. When
    Caraway saw the missed call, he showed the FBI agents. The FBI agents,
    who were “simply trying to find out what it was that Mr. Hamilton” “wanted
    from Mr. Caraway,” told Caraway to call Hamilton back so they could record
    the phone call. Caraway called, Hamilton made a brief pitch about the
    ordinance, Caraway said that he was having health problems, and then
    Caraway suggested that they meet in person. They met the next day (which
    the FBI videoed).
    At the meeting, Caraway began by calling his mother on speakerphone
    and lamenting about her health issues. He mentioned that he would visit her
    that day to handle some of her “healthcare” paperwork and that he would
    “pay all that stuff today.” After that call ended, Caraway and Hamilton
    bantered about how busy and tired Caraway was. They switched gears and
    began discussing the paid-sick-leave initiative and how that vote may come
    out if it was put on the agenda by the Mayor. After talking a bit about how he
    operates his business with paid leave and health insurance, Hamilton began
    peppering Caraway with praise: “I don’t know for sure if you’re going to run
    3
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    again [but] I hope you do”; “I think you’ve been doing an extraordinary job
    in your district. I want you here and I think that you and I can get a lot of
    stuff done. I really do.”; “Before you leave office or whenever your last term
    is, we’re going to have stuff built down there on Eleventh Street. You just
    watch. I need you for that.”
    Then Hamilton left the door open for the ask: “What I’m saying is,
    I’m there, you know, and so if there is anything that I can help you with, I
    mean, I hope you feel like you can reach out.” Caraway took that opportunity
    to imply he needed some cash:
    Caraway: Well, I’m going to tell you something, I’m reaching out to-
    day. . . . I got to go find me $6,200 today. Man, let me tell you some-
    thing, trying to survive in this -- in this and not campaign stuff, not
    campaign at all, it’s -- it’s difficult, man.
    Hamilton: Yeah.
    Caraway: I mean, I’m -- I’m dealing with so much s***, I -- I’m ready
    to -- I’m about -- look here, my hair’s gray, I’m tired, I’m bleeding out
    my a**, I’m just telling you straight up, my health is bad. This is
    pretty -- this is -- this has been a tough struggle, you know, and I want
    things to happen down here.
    After a little more cajoling by Hamilton, and a little digression about a
    real-estate project that Caraway and Hamilton both wanted to see completed,
    Hamilton circled back and asked how he could help. Caraway responded:
    “You can answer that bill that I just threw out there . . . for about [$6,200]
    today and that will help me . . . do what I need to do.” Hamilton happily
    obliged: “Can I just write a check to Dwaine Caraway?” Caraway clarified
    that this was not a loan, and that it had nothing to do with the campaign, he
    just had to “go pay for my mama.” Hamilton penned the check for $7,000
    and “wrote something down” in the memo line “for posterity[’s] sake,” so
    that if “somebody ever asks, I can come up with some kind of reference.”
    4
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    Shortly thereafter, a grand jury indicted Hamilton on two counts of
    federal-programs bribery relating to his dealings with Caraway and Davis.
    Caraway pleaded guilty shortly after meeting with Hamilton for taking bribes
    and kickbacks in an unrelated case. Next went Davis, who took a deal
    pleading guilty for “conspiring” with Hamilton to commit federal-programs
    bribery. According to Hamilton, Davis intended to withdraw her guilty plea
    because she only did so out of fear, and she purportedly told others that
    Hamilton “did not do anything wrong” and “did not pay her any bribes.”
    Tragically, however, Davis was killed in a car crash after being hit by a drunk
    driver, and thus that plan never came to pass. Just after Davis died, Scroggins
    took a deal and pleaded guilty to one count of misprision of a felony, agreeing
    to cooperate against Hamilton.
    The government then secured a superseding indictment for Hamilton.
    Beyond the two substantive federal-programs-bribery counts under 
    18 U.S.C. § 666
    , the superseding indictment added (1) a count of conspiracy to
    violate § 666, alleging a conspiratorial agreement between Hamilton, Davis,
    and Scroggins, 
    18 U.S.C. § 371
    , and (2) a count for violating the Travel Act,
    
    18 U.S.C. § 1952
    , relating to Hamilton’s phone call with Caraway. In the
    lead-up to trial, Hamilton stipulated that “the City of Dallas” was a “local
    government” that “received in excess of $10,000 under a Federal program
    involving a grant, contract, subsidy, loan, guarantee, insurance or other form
    of Federal assistance.”
    After a litany of pre-trial motions, Hamilton went to trial. Over two
    weeks, the jury heard from Hamilton that (1) he knew not what Davis and
    Scroggins did with his donations, and (2) his funding of Davis’s preferred
    candidates was totally above-board. As to Caraway and the paid-sick-leave
    initiative, Hamilton argued that the money he gave Caraway was purely him
    helping a friend out. The government provided evidence to the contrary,
    including: the video of Hamilton and Caraway’s meeting; recordings of his
    5
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    phone calls with Davis; testimony from Scroggins about his handling of the
    funds for Davis; surveillance video of Hamilton withdrawing $5,000 in cash
    with Davis in the car; and the various checks Hamilton wrote to Davis’s
    preferred candidates with the names of family members or employees in the
    memo line. Scroggins’s testimony about what Davis told him was allowed in
    under the co-conspirator hearsay exception; Davis’s exculpatory statements
    about Hamilton, however, were deemed inadmissible, despite Hamilton’s
    protestations that they were admissible statements against Davis’s penal
    interest.
    In giving the jury instructions for the federal-programs-bribery counts,
    the district court (over Hamilton’s objections) told the jury that neither a
    quid-pro-quo exchange nor any “official act” by the councilmembers was
    required. Along those lines, the district court also said nothing about what of
    Hamilton’s activity received protection by the First Amendment. The court
    also declined to give an instruction on entrapment as to Hamilton’s phone
    call and meeting with Caraway.
    The jury convicted Hamilton on the two substantive § 666 counts and
    the one conspiracy count, but acquitted Hamilton on the Travel Act count.
    After sentencing, he appealed. While his appeal was pending, the district
    court pushed back the date which Hamilton was set to report to the Bureau
    of Prisons for health reasons. Hamilton then asked our court for release
    pending appeal, which a single judge of our court denied.           After oral
    argument, as his report date was looming, Hamilton renewed his motion for
    release pending appeal. We granted that motion because, after having had
    the benefit of briefing and oral argument, we concluded that Hamilton raised
    sufficiently substantial issues justifying his release pending appeal. We now
    turn to the issues raised in this appeal.
    6
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    II.
    When a jury-instruction challenge “hinges on a question of statutory
    construction,” our review is de novo. United States v. Garcia-Gonzalez, 
    714 F.3d 306
    , 312 (5th Cir. 2013). We review the propriety of jury instructions
    for an abuse of discretion. United States v. Naidoo, 
    995 F.3d 367
    , 378 (5th Cir.
    2021); United States v. Whitfield, 
    590 F.3d 325
    , 347 (5th Cir. 2009). An
    instruction is not an abuse of discretion if, all things considered, the
    instruction “is a correct statement of the law” and it “clearly instructs jurors
    as to the principles of law applicable to the factual issues confronting them.”
    United States v. Freeman, 
    434 F.3d 369
    , 377 (5th Cir. 2005) (internal quotes
    omitted). But it is an abuse of discretion “to apply an erroneous view of the
    law.” United States v. Ayelotan, 
    917 F.3d 394
    , 400 (5th Cir. 2019).
    Hamilton raises many arguments for why his conviction was unlawful,
    but we need only reach the first. The district court believed that § 666
    criminalized mere gratuities and did not require a quid pro quo. Our court has
    not yet had the opportunity to address this question. We conclude that § 666
    does, in fact, require a quo; a quid alone will not suffice. And the jury
    instruction that the district court gave did not convey that. Thus, Hamilton’s
    convictions must be vacated.
    A.
    Section 666 criminalizes bribery concerning programs receiving
    federal funds. It provides in relevant part:
    (a) Whoever, if the circumstance described in
    subsection (b) of this section exists—
    …
    (2) corruptly gives, offers, or agrees to
    give anything of value to any person, with
    intent to influence or reward an agent of
    7
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    an organization or of a [local
    government], or any agency thereof, in
    connection     with     any     business,
    transaction, or series of transactions of
    such organization, government, or agency
    involving anything of value of $5,000 or
    more;
    shall be fined under this title, imprisoned not
    more than 10 years, or both.
    (b) The circumstance referred to in
    subsection (a) of this section is that the
    organization, government, or agency receives, in
    any one year period, benefits in excess of
    $10,000 under a Federal program involving a
    grant, contract, subsidy, loan, guarantee, or
    other form of Federal assistance.
    
    18 U.S.C. § 666
    (a)–(b). 1
    Section 666 grew out of a circuit split over another law. The general
    bribery statute, 
    18 U.S.C. § 201
    , applied to “public official[s].” Percolation
    of cases applying that statute led courts to a problem: Does the term “public
    official” include state and local officials? The Supreme Court granted
    certiorari in a case to resolve the split over this issue, Dixson v. United States,
    
    465 U.S. 482
     (1984), but once it did, Congress enacted § 666 to “extend
    federal bribery prohibitions to bribes offered to state and local officials
    employed by agencies receiving federal funds,” Salinas v. United States, 
    522 U.S. 52
    , 58 (1997).
    Section 201 has two distinct subsections. Subsection (b) covers
    bribery, which “requires a showing that something of value was corruptly
    1
    We agree that the government satisfied subsection (b), § 666’s “jurisdictional
    element,” with the stipulation and the evidence presented to the jury.
    8
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    given, offered, or promised to a public official” with the intent “to influence
    any official act.” United States v. Sun-Diamond Growers of Cal., 
    526 U.S. 398
    ,
    404 (1999) (quoting 
    18 U.S.C. § 201
    (b)). Subsection (c) covers illegal
    gratuity, which “requires a showing that something of value was given,
    offered, or promised to a public official” “for or because of any official act
    performed or to be performed by such public official.” 
    Id.
     (quoting 
    18 U.S.C. § 201
    (c)).
    When Congress passed and President Reagan signed what would
    become 
    18 U.S.C. § 666
    , it had only one subsection.                    It criminalized
    something like what is in subsection (c), the illegal-gratuity provision, with
    its “for or because of” language. See Comprehensive Crime Control Act,
    Pub. L. No. 98–473, § 1104(a), 
    98 Stat. 1837
    , 2143–44 (1984). Two years
    later, Congress changed that provision by swapping out the “for or because
    of” language for language like § 201(b), with its “intent to influence”
    verbiage, and it added a requirement that the giving be done “corruptly.” See
    Criminal Law and Procedure Technical Amendments Act of 1986, Pub. L.
    No. 99–646, § 59, 
    100 Stat. 3592
    , 3612–13. Sections 201 and 666, in pertinent
    part, now look like this:
    
    18 U.S.C. § 201
                               18 U.S.C. § 666(a)(2)
    (b)(1)(A): “directly or indirectly,
    corruptly gives, offers or promises
    anything of value to any public offi-
    cial . . . with intent to influence any         “corruptly gives, offers, or agrees to
    official act [by such official]”                give anything of value to any person,
    (c)(1)(A): “directly or indirectly              with intent to influence or reward an
    gives, offers, or promises anything             agent of [a local government]”
    of value to any public official . . . for
    or because of any official act per-
    formed [by such official]”
    9
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    For maximum prison time under each: federal-official bribery under
    § 201(b) carries a maximum of fifteen years, 
    18 U.S.C. § 201
    (b); federal-
    programs bribery under § 666(a) carries a maximum of ten years, id. § 666(a);
    illegal gratuities under § 201(c) carries a maximum of two years, id. § 201(c).
    B.
    As hinted at above, the Supreme Court has spoken to the substance of
    § 201, albeit focused on the federal illegal-gratuity provision in § 201(c).
    Sun-Diamond was about a trade association which gave the Secretary of
    Agriculture certain items of value. 
    526 U.S. at
    401–02. An independent
    counsel determined that the association’s giving of those gifts violated the
    illegal-gratuity provision of § 201(c)(1)(A).       Id. at 401.    Though the
    indictment alluded to some matters before the Secretary in which the
    association had an interest, it “did not allege a specific connection between”
    the gratuities and the matters before the Secretary. Id. at 402. The question
    presented was whether the illegal-gratuity provision “require[d] any showing
    beyond the fact that a gratuity was given because of the recipient’s official
    position.” Id. at 400.
    The Court said yes, something more was required. Id. at 406–07. In
    reaching that conclusion, the Court discussed subsections (b) and (c) and
    how they interact. Id. at 404–05. The difference between the two was intent:
    bribery requires an intent to influence; illegal gratuity requires “only that the
    gratuity be given or accepted ‘for or because of’ an official act.” Id. at 404.
    In other words, bribery requires a quid pro quo—“a specific intent to give or
    receive something of value in exchange for an official act”—illegal gratuity
    does not. Id. at 404–05. Subsection (c) covers an illegal gratuity that is
    “merely a reward for some future act that the public official will take (and
    may already have determined to take), or for a past act that he has already
    taken.” Id. at 405. The Court went on to narrowly construe § 201(c) and say
    10
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    that a gratuity is not illegal if it is given merely because of the public official’s
    office; instead, the government “must prove a link between a thing of value
    conferred upon a public official and a specific ‘official act’ for or because of
    which it was given.” Id. at 414.
    Key for our purposes, in describing what language in the bribery
    provision made it apply only to a quid pro quo, the Court focused on the
    language requiring that something of value be corruptly given to a public
    official with intent to influence any official act. Id. at 404–05; cf. 
    18 U.S.C. § 666
    (a)(2) (whoever “corruptly gives” “anything of value to any person[]
    with intent to influence or reward an agent [of a local government]” violates
    this subsection).
    C.
    Despite the similarities between § 201(b) and § 666(a), a lopsided
    split has emerged about whether § 666(a) criminalizes both bribery and illegal
    gratuities. On one side of the issue is the First Circuit, which held that
    § 666(a) criminalizes only a quid pro quo and not mere gratuities. United
    States v. Fernandez, 
    722 F.3d 1
    , 26 (1st Cir. 2013); see also 
    id.
     at 39–40
    (Howard, J., concurring in part) (concluding that “because it is ambiguous
    whether [§ 666] criminalizes gratuity,” under the rule of lenity, “the
    defendants cannot be convicted for giving or receiving a gratuity”).
    Likewise, the Fourth Circuit in dicta expressed agreement with the approach
    eventually taken by the First Circuit. United States v. Jennings, 
    160 F.3d 1006
    , 1015 & nn.3–4 (4th Cir. 1998). The Second, Sixth, Seventh, Eighth,
    and Eleventh Circuits have concluded that § 666(a) covers both bribery and
    illegal gratuities. See, e.g., United States v. Ganim, 
    510 F.3d 134
    , 150 (2d Cir.
    2007); United States v. Porter, 
    886 F.3d 562
    , 565–66 (6th Cir. 2018); United
    States v. Agostino, 
    132 F.3d 1183
    , 1195 (7th Cir. 1997); United States v.
    Zimmerman, 
    509 F.3d 920
    , 927 (8th Cir. 2007); United States v. McNair, 605
    11
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    11157 F.3d 1152
    , 1188 (11th Cir. 2010). The Fifth Circuit has not yet had occasion
    to address this question.
    Of the circuits that interpret § 666 to cover gratuities and bribery, two
    themes emerge. First, most view the “corruptly gives” language as: (a) a
    limiting principle which keeps the statute from encompassing all gifts to local
    officials; and (b) an intent requirement which quid pro quo is sufficient, but
    not necessary, to satisfy. See, e.g., United States v. Abbey, 
    560 F.3d 513
    , 520
    (6th Cir. 2009) (“[W]hile a ‘quid pro quo of money for a specific . . . act is
    sufficient to violate the statute,’ it is ‘not necessary.’ Rather, it is enough if
    a defendant ‘corruptly solicits’ ‘anything of value’ with the ‘inten[t] to be
    influenced or rewarded in connection’ with some transaction involving
    property or services worth $5000 or more.” (quoting United States v. Gee,
    
    432 F.3d 713
    , 714 (7th Cir. 2005); 
    18 U.S.C. § 666
    (a)(1)(B))). Second, most
    have considered significant the word “reward” in § 666, as (they say) it
    implies that § 666 criminalizes something other than an intent to influence;
    thus, the “reward” language must be about gratuities. See, e.g., Ganim, 
    510 F.3d at 150
     (“[A] payment made to ‘influence’ connotes bribery, whereas a
    payment made to ‘reward’ connotes an illegal gratuity.” (citation omitted)).
    Those courts have also said, as § 666 relates to § 201, that: § 201 is a
    “markedly different statute” than § 666, id. at 521; § 201 is “an entirely
    different statute” than § 666, Porter, 886 F.3d at 565; and “§ 666 sweeps
    more broadly than either § 201(b) or (c)” because § 666 “does not say
    ‘official act’” or “‘in return for’ or ‘because of’ but says ‘in connection
    with,’” McNair, 605 F.3d at 1191.
    The First Circuit reads § 666 differently. Relying on Sun-Diamond,
    the plain text of § 666, and the context in which it was enacted, the court in
    Fernandez held that “gratuities are not criminalized under § 666.” 722 F.3d
    at 26. The court began by tracing § 666’s lineage back to § 201, noting that
    the former flowed from the latter. Id. at 20–22. It then discussed the
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    amendment in 1986, which changed the language to read more like § 201(b)
    by adding the “corruptly” language and adding the “with intent to influence
    or reward” language (while removing the “for or because of” language like
    § 201(c)). Id. at 21–22.
    Under the First Circuit’s approach, “the word ‘reward’ does not
    create a separate gratuity offense in § 666, but rather serves a more modest
    purpose: it merely clarifies ‘that a bribe can be promised before, but paid
    after, the official’s action on the payor’s behalf.’” Id. at 23 (quoting Jennings,
    
    160 F.3d at
    1015 n.3). The “influence” and “reward” terms would then each
    have their own meaning, the court said: “influence” would be for payment
    then action; “reward” would be for promise, action, then payment. 
    Id.
     “Both
    of these situations involve a quid pro quo, and both therefore constitute bribes.
    What matters, of course, is that the offer of payment precedes the official
    act.” 
    Id.
     That approach made more sense to the court, for a few reasons:
    (1) limiting § 666 to bribery “would help to explain the presence of the
    ‘corruptly’ language in § 666(a)(1)(B) and (a)(2),” as that word appears in
    the federal-bribery provision but not the federal-gratuity provision; (2) if
    Congress made giving illegal gratuities to federal officials punishable by
    imprisonment for two years, it does not make sense that the same would be
    punishable by imprisonment for ten years for local officials who have some
    connection to federal funds; and (3) it is unlikely that § 666’s two subsections
    covers all of what § 201’s four subsections do, and if it only covers either
    bribery or gratuities, the language is closer to § 201(b)’s bribery provision.
    Id. at 24–25.
    D.
    We believe that the First Circuit has the better approach under the
    plain language of § 666(a). Other than the word “reward,” § 666 tracks
    closely with § 201(b)’s bribery provision, with the matching “corruptly” and
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    “intent to influence” language. Cf. Jarkesy v. SEC, 
    34 F.4th 446
    , 455 (5th
    Cir. 2022) (quoting Felix Frankfurter, Some Reflections on the Reading of
    Statutes, 
    47 Colum. L. Rev. 527
    , 537 (1947), for the proposition that “if a
    word is obviously transplanted from another legal source, whether the
    common law or other legislation, it brings the old soil with it”). These
    similarities compel a similar result: both § 201(b) and § 666(a) cover only
    quid pro quo bribery. Sun-Diamond, 
    526 U.S. at 404
    . As for “reward,” as
    noted in Fernandez, it is plausible that Congress included that term to prevent
    a situation where a thing of value is not given until after an action is taken.
    722 F.3d at 23. Thus, our approach does not read the term “reward” out of
    the statute, as it continues to serve a valuable purpose under certain
    circumstances. Latiolas v. Huntington Ingalls, Inc., 
    951 F.3d 286
    , 294 (5th Cir.
    2020) (en banc) (The anti-surplusage canon encourages courts to give effect
    to “all of [a statute’s] provisions, so that no part will be inoperative or
    superfluous, void or insignificant.”). We are convinced that, by its plain
    terms, § 666(a) applies only to quid pro quo bribery. 2
    2
    In the alternative, under the rule of lenity, we must resolve all reasonable doubts
    about the meaning of § 666 in Hamilton’s favor. See Shular v. United States, 
    140 S. Ct. 779
    ,
    787 (2020); see also, e.g., Wooden v. United States, 
    142 S. Ct. 1063
    , 1081 (2022) (Gorsuch,
    J., concurring) (Under the rule of lenity, “any reasonable doubt about the application of a
    penal law must be resolved in favor of liberty.”); The Enterprise, 
    8 F. Cas. 732
    , 734
    (C.C.D.N.Y. 1810) (No. 4,499) (“If it be the duty of a jury to acquit where such doubts
    exist concerning a fact, it is equally incumbent on a judge not to apply the law . . . where he
    labours under the same uncertainty as to the meaning of the legislature.”); Thomas Z.
    Horton, Lenity Before Kisor: Due Process, Agency Deference, and the Interpretation of
    Ambiguous Penal Regulations, 
    54 Colum. J.L. & Soc. Probs. 629
    , 632–33, 640–44, 664–66
    (2021) (discussing lenity’s historical provenance and explaining that the canon applies
    when the meaning of a penal statute or regulation is subject to “reasonable doubt”). To
    the extent there is some doubt about the meaning of § 666, the rule of lenity compels us to
    resolve it in Hamilton’s favor. Jarkesy, 34 F.4th at 459 n.9 (“[A]lternative holdings are
    binding precedent and not obiter dictum.” (quotation omitted)).
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    No. 21-11157
    Not only does that make sense, it makes the rest of the context
    surrounding § 666 make sense: Congress started out including language in
    § 666 like the federal illegal-gratuity provision in § 201(c), but quickly
    amended it to language far closer to the federal bribery provision in § 201(b);
    Congress’s decisions about maximum punishments for bribery of a local
    official is below the fifteen-years’ imprisonment for federal-official bribery,
    but higher than the two-years’ imprisonment for illegal gratuities; and
    Congress’s interest in federal officials taking bribes is higher than its interest
    in local officials (with some connection to federal funds) doing the same.
    Thus, all signs point toward the sensible conclusion that § 666 is more like
    § 201(b), and that Congress meant for § 666 to be similarly limited.
    For these reasons, we conclude that § 666 applies only to quid pro quo
    bribery. That is enough to decide this case and we go no further. 3
    III.
    Because § 666 requires a quo, there is the problem with the district
    court’s instructions to the jury. In its view, § 666 did “not require quid pro
    quo bribery,” and because the statute does not explicitly distinguish between
    bribery and mere gratuities, the court did not instruct the jury that a quid pro
    3
    Lurking just beneath the surface is a hoard of constitutional problems raised by a
    broad reading of § 666. See Antonin Scalia & Bryan A. Garner, Reading Law: The
    Interpretation of Legal Texts 247 (2012) (“A statute should be interpreted in a way that
    avoids placing its constitutionality in doubt.”). Treating § 666 as though it covers all sorts
    of interactions with local public officials raises First Amendment, federalism, and due-
    process concerns. See McDonnell v. United States, 
    136 S. Ct. 2355
     (2016); McCormick v.
    United States, 
    500 U.S. 247
     (1991). As one of our colleagues put it, when § 666 is used to
    “prosecute purely local acts of corruption,” it is arguably unconstitutional because it is not
    “necessary and proper to carry into execution [Congress’s] spending power.” United
    States v. Lipscomb, 
    299 F.3d 303
    , 364–77 (5th Cir. 2002) (opinion of Smith, J.). We need
    not reach those issues in this case because we can construe the text in a way that comports
    with the Constitution.
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    No. 21-11157
    quo was required. Hamilton properly objected to this at that time, arguing
    that such an instruction was necessary under § 666(a). The government now
    contends that, even if quid pro quo is required, the court’s instruction was
    sufficient because it tracked the language of the statute.          While the
    government is correct that a statute-tracking instruction is often enough, the
    instruction must also “clearly instruct[] jurors as to the principles of law
    applicable to the factual issues confronting them.” Freeman, 
    434 F.3d at 377
    .
    The government cites Whitfield for the proposition that a jury instruction is
    fine, even without quid pro quo language, if it “sufficiently conveyed the
    essential idea of give-and-take.” 
    590 F.3d at 353
     (quotation omitted). But in
    Whitfield, there was no concern about whether a payment was a gratuity or a
    bribe—i.e., there was no debate about whether the payor got something in
    return; the only debate was about whether, when the payment was made, the
    payor and local official had in mind what the quo would be. See 
    id.
     Here, the
    government proceeded on a gratuity theory and only now says that it could
    have won either way.
    The district court gave no instruction as to the meaning of “intent to
    influence or reward,” or that it requires a quid pro quo (because, of course, it
    did not think one was required), and its definition of “corruptly” said nothing
    about a formal this-for-that. And if a very capable and experienced district
    judge did not believe that the language of § 666 required a quid pro quo, it is
    hardly clear that lay jurors would have understood that based on the text
    alone.    The lack of such a quid pro quo instruction rendered the jury
    instructions unclear, as the jurors were permitted to convict on an illegal-
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    No. 21-11157
    gratuity theory that does not exist in § 666. 4 That is enough to justify
    vacating Hamilton’s conviction. 5
    *        *         *
    Section 666 criminalizes only a quid pro quo, not mere gratuities. The
    district court’s instruction allowed the jury to convict based on mere
    gratuities. For these reasons, we VACATE Hamilton’s convictions and
    REMAND for proceedings consistent with this opinion.
    4
    As Hamilton notes, the Travel Act count did require a quid pro quo, and the jury
    acquitted Hamilton on that count. Instructing the jury on one count that a quid pro quo was
    required but not others may have further communicated that no quid pro quo was required
    for the § 666 counts.
    5
    We also alternatively conclude that Hamilton was entitled to an entrapment
    instruction, which would otherwise lead to the vacatur of his second substantive count of
    bribery. We review the denial of an entrapment instruction de novo. United States v.
    Gutierrez, 
    343 F.3d 415
    , 419 (5th Cir. 2003). Viewing the evidence in the light most
    favorable to Hamilton, we conclude that he made a prima facie showing (1) that he lacked
    the predisposition to bribe Caraway, and (2) that the government was involved in the
    operation beyond merely making the opportunity available to him. See United States v.
    Stephens, 
    717 F.3d 440
    , 444 (5th Cir. 2017). Indeed, the district court candidly observed
    that not giving the instruction “could be reversed.” As a result, Hamilton’s second
    substantive § 666 conviction would be vacated regardless of the preceding discussion about
    quid pro quo and § 666. See Jarkesy, 34 F.4th at 459 n.9.
    17