United States v. James Barta , 776 F.3d 931 ( 2015 )


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  •                               In the
    United States Court of Appeals
    For the Seventh Circuit
    ____________________
    No. 13-3208
    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA,
    Plaintiff-Appellee,
    v.
    JAMES BARTA,
    Defendant-Appellant.
    ____________________
    Appeal from the United States District Court for the
    Northern District of Illinois, Eastern Division.
    No. 12 CR 487—John J. Tharp, Jr., Judge.
    ____________________
    ARGUED SEPTEMBER 8, 2014 — DECIDED JANUARY 28, 2015
    ____________________
    Before WOOD, Chief Judge, and POSNER and HAMILTON,
    Circuit Judges.
    HAMILTON, Circuit Judge. Defendant James Barta has ap-
    pealed his conviction for conspiracy to commit bribery. He
    was charged and convicted based on an undercover gov-
    ernment sting operation that evolved into an agreement
    among Barta and his co-defendants to bribe a fictional coun-
    ty official in California to obtain a government contract. We
    2                                                   No. 13-3208
    reverse because Barta was entrapped as a matter of law. We
    ordered his release from prison shortly after hearing argu-
    ment in this case. This opinion provides the detailed expla-
    nation for that decision.
    “Entrapment is a defense to criminal liability when the
    defendant was not predisposed to commit the charged crime
    before the intervention of the government’s agents and the
    government’s conduct induced him to commit it.” United
    States v. Mayfield, 
    771 F.3d 417
    , 420 (7th Cir. 2014) (en banc).
    There are two elements to the defense of entrapment: the de-
    fendant’s lack of predisposition and the government’s in-
    ducement. Here the government made the unusual but ap-
    propriate decision to concede that Barta was not predisposed
    to commit the charged crime. Predisposition is the “principal
    element in the defense of entrapment.” United States v. Rus-
    sell, 
    411 U.S. 423
    , 433 (1973). To overcome Barta’s entrapment
    defense, therefore, the government was required to “prove
    beyond a reasonable doubt … that there was no government
    inducement” in this case. 
    Mayfield, 771 F.3d at 443
    . The gov-
    ernment failed to do so.
    Inducement “means government solicitation of the crime
    plus some other government conduct that creates a risk that a
    person who would not commit the crime if left to his own
    devices will do so in response to the government’s efforts.”
    
    Id. at 434–35.
    Undisputed evidence shows that several “plus
    factors” signaling inducement were present in this case. In
    the course of its undercover operation the government em-
    ployed “repeated attempts at persuasion.” 
    Id. at 435.
    It em-
    ployed both “fraudulent representations” and “promises of
    reward beyond that inherent in the customary execution of
    the crime.” 
    Id. It also
    employed “pleas based on need, sym-
    No. 13-3208                                                 3
    pathy, or friendship.” 
    Id. The cumulative
    effect of these tac-
    tics directed at Barta amounted to inducement. Because Bar-
    ta was induced and the government concedes that he was
    not predisposed, it follows that he was entrapped as a matter
    of law. We do not reach the other issues he raises on appeal.
    I. Factual Background
    Barta became a target of an FBI sting operation through
    his friendship with Gustavo Buenrostro. Buenrostro was in
    turn an associate of Ambrosio Medrano, and both are Barta’s
    co-defendants in this conspiracy case. The story begins,
    though, before Buenrostro and later Barta came on the scene.
    Medrano had dealings with a man purporting to be a health
    care consultant named George Castro. Castro told Medrano
    he could, in return for payment of a bribe to a corrupt coun-
    ty official, obtain contract approval from Los Angeles Coun-
    ty for the purchase of medical bandages by its hospital sys-
    tem. In reality the man purporting to be Castro was an un-
    dercover FBI agent and there was no corrupt official. But
    Medrano did not know this, of course, so he approached
    Castro about making another deal.
    At that point, in late 2011, Medrano recruited Buenrostro
    to join him for this second deal with Castro. For several
    months, Castro communicated only with Medrano and
    Buenrostro. The government had no contact with Barta be-
    fore March 21, 2012, when Barta’s co-defendants first intro-
    duced him to Castro. Though this FBI sting stretched out
    over many months, Barta spoke with Castro four times—in
    three meetings and one telephone call. These conversations
    occurred on March 21, May 9, June 12, and June 22. The de-
    tails of these conversations and the events surrounding each
    4                                                  No. 13-3208
    conversation set the stage for the legal analysis below in Sec-
    tion II.
    A. March 21 Meeting
    The first thing Barta said to Castro at the March 21 meet-
    ing, after the two were introduced to each other, was “I’m
    not trying to sell you anything.” Barta told Castro that he
    was at the meeting because of Buenrostro: “Gus asked me to
    come and tell you what we do.” The “we” in that statement
    refers to Sav-Rx, which Barta described to Castro as a pre-
    scription benefit management business. Barta is a founder
    and owner of Sav-Rx, though he turned over much of the
    management of the company to his daughter in 2007. He
    told Castro that Sav-Rx provided prescription benefit man-
    agement services primarily for unions, but also for the Cook
    County hospital system in Chicago.
    Castro responded that while his company was not cur-
    rently involved with pharmaceuticals, he could serve as a
    “broker” between companies and Los Angeles County be-
    cause he knew “an individual in the country system.” At dif-
    ferent points in the meeting Castro described the payment
    he was seeking in return for the promised contract approval
    as a “finder’s fee,” “good faith money,” and a “commission.”
    To these various descriptions Barta replied that he under-
    stood what Castro was saying, and Barta closed the meeting
    by saying “I hope we can do some business.” Barta spent just
    twelve minutes at this meeting.
    A bit more background about the sting operation pro-
    vides the context for the March 21 meeting. Medrano was
    introduced to Castro by a man named Michael DiFoggio,
    who was a cooperating witness working with the FBI as part
    No. 13-3208                                                5
    of this sting operation. Before the March 21 meeting, DiFog-
    gio repeatedly asked Medrano to send a written proposal for
    a deal between Sav-Rx and Los Angeles County in advance
    of the meeting. Medrano did not do so, and Barta himself
    never provided such a proposal, though he did give Castro
    some generic Sav-Rx brochures at their first meeting on
    March 21. DiFoggio also repeatedly asked Medrano for a
    cash payment from Barta to Castro. DiFoggio asked for this
    payment to be made at the March 21 meeting. It was not.
    DiFoggio then asked that the payment be made on May 9,
    the next time that Barta and Castro met. Barta made no
    payment at that meeting either.
    Nothing in the previous paragraph should be taken to
    suggest that before the March 21 meeting DiFoggio directly
    asked Barta for anything. At that time DiFoggio was dealing
    only with Medrano and Buenrostro. It was they who told
    DiFoggio that Barta would be willing to provide a proposal
    and payment. Barta had no contact with the government
    (Castro or DiFoggio) until the March 21 meeting.
    B. May 9 Meeting
    The May 9 meeting was Barta’s longest meeting with Cas-
    tro. Medrano and Buenrostro began the meeting by explain-
    ing how they could form a company to partner with Sav-Rx
    as a “minority participant” in a contract with Los Angeles
    County. Castro continued the conversation by saying he
    spoke with “the guy that would approve” the contract, and
    this person would ensure approval of the contract by tailor-
    ing the request for proposal from the county to favor Sav-Rx.
    A quiet Barta had not said much in the meeting when
    Buenrostro asked him, “What are your views on all this
    6                                                 No. 13-3208
    stuff, Jim, or are you just soaking it in?” Barta responded
    that Sav-Rx had succeeded in Cook County by cutting the
    amount of time patients waited for their prescriptions and
    the amount of money hospitals paid to dispense prescrip-
    tions. He went on to say that if Los Angeles County had “a
    problem,” as Cook County had, then a deal would make
    sense. But if Los Angeles County was already “efficiently
    dispensing” its medications, then there would be no prob-
    lem for Sav-Rx to solve. Barta also described how adding a
    mail-order option had created greater efficiencies in Cook
    County. Near the end of the meeting Barta explained to
    Buenrostro how Buenrostro could research the Los Angeles
    County hospital system to determine whether it would bene-
    fit from Sav-Rx’s services. And Barta told Castro that if Los
    Angeles County had a problem for Sav-Rx to solve, “I’m in
    100%.”
    After the May 9 meeting the FBI aggressively tried to
    close the fake deal—and the real operation underlying it.
    Here are excerpts from emails that Castro sent to Barta fol-
    lowing that meeting, none of which drew a reply from Barta.
    “I spoke to my friend and he is willing to move forward on
    our end. We await your response if you would like to pro-
    ceed.” That email was sent May 16. “My friend would like to
    get this matter settled and I told him that by next week we
    would know whether or not we are moving forward.” That
    email was sent May 30. “We are ready to begin on our end. I
    will be in Chicago until Friday. I can extend my visit through
    as late as next Thursday if you want to meet in person to …
    take care of the final detail. Let me know how you would
    like to proceed.” That email was sent June 6. Again, Barta
    replied to none of these emails.
    No. 13-3208                                                  7
    The FBI also sent Barta emails about the Los Angeles
    County hospital system. Confronted at the May 9 meeting
    with Barta’s concern about whether the county had a prob-
    lem for Sav-Rx to solve, the FBI decided to fabricate a prob-
    lem. At the time the real Los Angeles County hospital system
    was already offering a mail-order option for receiving pre-
    scriptions. It was also using automation at its pharmacies.
    Buenrostro’s research revealed as much. The FBI responded
    by falsely claiming that patients were waiting too long for
    prescriptions and were receiving the wrong prescriptions,
    along with falsely claiming that the automation technology
    was inefficient and unreliable.
    As the sting operation stretched on, the FBI also sweet-
    ened the terms of the tentative deal being discussed. In the
    May 9 meeting, Castro mentioned a three-year contract to
    dispense around 1 million prescriptions per year. Later in
    May, Castro sent emails substantially raising the financial
    stakes for the fictional deal, saying the number of yearly pre-
    scriptions would be up to 2 million in the first year of the
    contract and 3 million in the remaining years.
    Castro next met with Medrano and Buenrostro on May
    24. Barta was not at that meeting. Castro complained that
    Barta had made no payment at the May 9 meeting, but
    Buenrostro reassured Castro that Barta would commit to the
    deal in the end. Buenrostro explained that Barta would do so
    because Barta “wants to help me get back on my feet.”
    C. June 12 Phone Call
    Castro sent a number of emails to Barta in the month
    preceding this June 12 phone call, as discussed above. Barta
    replied to none of them. Castro then began calling Barta. His
    8                                                  No. 13-3208
    first call on June 7 went unanswered, and he left a voicemail
    for Barta. The same thing happened again when he called on
    June 11. Having received no response to his emails or calls,
    Castro issued an ultimatum to Barta on June 12. He wrote an
    email to Barta and his co-defendants: “If I don’t hear any-
    thing from Jim by the end of the day, I will assume he is no
    longer interested and my guy will move on. I hope to hear
    from you.” Barta still did not reply. Yet Castro did not follow
    through on his ultimatum.
    Instead, after sending the email Castro called Barta later
    that same day. Barta’s assistant may have transferred this call
    to him by mistake because Barta quickly told Castro that
    “you just caught me flat footed. I’m in the middle of some-
    thing else, okay?” In answer to Castro’s question of whether
    Barta was “ready to move forward” with the deal Barta said,
    inconclusively, “I think we’re probably ready to move. …
    Yep.” This conversation lasted less than two minutes.
    Hours after speaking with Barta, Castro called Buen-
    rostro. This was one of over fifty contacts that Castro had
    with Buenrostro in June, several of them urging Buenrostro
    to elicit a response from Barta. Castro and Buenrostro set up
    a meeting for June 19 in Chicago. (Chicago was also the site
    of the March 21 and May 9 meetings.) But when Castro
    called Buenrostro on June 18 to confirm the meeting sched-
    uled for the next day, Buenrostro told him that Barta was not
    going to be there. Buenrostro suggested that they travel to
    Nebraska, where Barta lived, to conclude the deal. Castro
    preferred to meet in Chicago, and he left a voicemail for Bar-
    ta on June 18. He left two more voicemails for Barta on June
    19. None of these calls were returned.
    No. 13-3208                                                      9
    D. June 22 Meeting
    Ultimately, Castro traveled to Nebraska on June 22 to
    meet with Barta. At this final meeting Buenrostro joked with
    Barta (ironically, in our view of the case) that, “It took a lot to
    get you here.” But later in the meeting Barta made clear why
    he was there. He explained: “At this stage in my career I
    could give a damn or less about … whatever happens. … But
    I’d like to see Gus do something. You know Gus, Gus has
    always been a day late and a dollar short his whole damn
    life.” That final meeting ended with Barta writing Castro a
    Sav-Rx check for $6,500 to be used to pay the fictional county
    official.
    Six days later Barta was arrested. Barta was charged with
    conspiracy to commit bribery under 18 U.S.C. § 371. He was
    tried before a jury, which was instructed about the entrap-
    ment defense. The jury found Barta guilty. After the jury
    verdict Barta moved for a judgment of acquittal based on his
    entrapment defense. The district court denied the motion,
    and Barta has appealed.
    II. Analysis
    A. Entrapment
    “In entrapment cases, the government must prove be-
    yond a reasonable doubt that a defendant who raises a col-
    orable defense of entrapment … has not in fact been en-
    trapped.” United States v. Theodosopoulos, 
    48 F.3d 1438
    , 1444
    (7th Cir. 1995). Whether the government has met this burden
    of proof in a given case is generally a question for a jury. 
    Id. at 1445.
    When a jury decides that the government has met its
    burden, then a court reviewing that decision must examine
    “all the evidence in the record in the light most favorable to
    the government,” while still ensuring that “the government
    10                                                   No. 13-3208
    presented sufficient evidence to permit a jury to determine
    beyond a reasonable doubt” that the defendant was not en-
    trapped. 
    Id. Though this
    is a favorable standard of review for the
    government, it does not guarantee that the government will
    prevail. See, e.g., Jacobson v. United States, 
    503 U.S. 540
    (1992)
    (finding defendant was entrapped as a matter of law); Sher-
    man v. United States, 
    356 U.S. 369
    (1958) (same). The evidence
    here shows entrapment beyond reasonable dispute.
    “Entrapment is a defense to criminal liability when the
    defendant was not predisposed to commit the charged crime
    before the intervention of the government’s agents and the
    government’s conduct induced him to commit it.” 
    Mayfield, 771 F.3d at 420
    . The first element of an entrapment defense,
    predisposition, is the “principal element.” 
    Russell, 411 U.S. at 433
    . In this case the government conceded at trial that Barta
    was not predisposed to conspire to commit bribery. The fo-
    cus is thus on the second element, inducement. The govern-
    ment was required to prove beyond a reasonable doubt that
    it did not induce Barta to conspire with his co-defendants.
    
    Mayfield, 771 F.3d at 443
    .
    In Mayfield, a recent en banc decision surveying entrap-
    ment law, we explained that inducement “means govern-
    ment solicitation of the crime plus some other government
    conduct that creates a risk that a person who would not
    commit the crime if left to his own devices will do so in re-
    sponse to the government’s efforts.” 
    Id. at 434–35.
    Several of
    the plus factors signaling inducement that we identified in
    Mayfield are present in this case. A quick review of the facts
    makes this clear. The key facts are not disputed. They are
    taken largely from email records and recorded conversations
    No. 13-3208                                                 11
    that were collected by the government as part of its under-
    cover operation.
    The FBI frequently emailed and called Barta, with no re-
    sponse from Barta. These were “repeated attempts at per-
    suasion.” 
    Id. at 435.
    The FBI invented false deadlines for Bar-
    ta to commit to the deal and invented false problems for the
    Los Angeles County hospital system. These were “fraudu-
    lent representations.” 
    Id. The FBI
    significantly sweetened
    what would have already been an attractive deal to Barta
    and his co-defendants. Here we have “promises of reward
    beyond that inherent in the customary execution of the
    crime.” 
    Id. And the
    FBI pressed Barta—both directly and
    through Buenrostro—to make a deal that it had reason to
    believe Barta would be making mainly to benefit his less for-
    tunate friend, Buenrostro. Here we have “pleas based on
    need, sympathy, or friendship.” 
    Id. The presence
    of all these
    plus factors shows that the government induced Barta to
    commit a crime, one that the government concedes he had
    no predisposition to commit. That is enough to establish en-
    trapment as a matter of law.
    The cases the government cites are not to the contrary.
    The government first takes on the “repeated attempts at per-
    suasion.” It argues that Castro did not contact Barta enough,
    or have a lengthy enough relationship with him, to induce
    him to commit a crime. See United States v. Plowman, 
    700 F.3d 1052
    , 1059 (7th Cir. 2012) (rejecting entrapment defense
    where defendant and undercover agent interacted for “a
    mere five months”); 
    Theodosopoulos, 48 F.3d at 1447
    (rejecting
    entrapment defense where interaction between defendant
    and government “merely stretched over the course of three
    months and nine meetings”). But there is no per se rule re-
    12                                                 No. 13-3208
    garding the number of contacts or length of relationship it
    takes to constitute inducement.
    Each case, and each entrapment defense, must be judged
    on its own facts. Plowman and Theodosopoulos did not adopt
    mechanical rules. It is not just the number of contacts be-
    tween Castro and Barta or the length of their relationship
    that amounted to inducement here. It was also the frequency
    of those contacts. And the fact that the emails and calls to
    Barta received no responses—even when they gave fake ul-
    timatums. And the fact that the contacts occurred alongside
    other government conduct intended to induce Barta to go
    forward with the criminal plan: the fabricated problems in
    Los Angeles County’s handling of prescriptions; the sweet-
    eners added to an already lucrative deal; and the efforts to
    appeal to Barta based on his friendship with Buenrostro.
    The government argues that these other forms of pres-
    sure on Barta did not constitute plus factors signaling in-
    ducement. It does so in much the same way that it argues
    this case presents no “repeated attempts at persuasion,”
    namely by extrapolating per se rules from precedents ad-
    dressing each type of plus factor in isolation. For example,
    the government summarizes United States v. Millet, 
    510 F.3d 668
    , 677 (7th Cir. 2007), by stating that promises of reward
    totaling several hundred thousand dollars did not create in-
    ducement in that case. That citation to Millet is accurate, so
    far as it goes, but we decline to decide this case by analyzing
    each plus factor as if it were a rule unto itself. We do so for
    an important reason that is worth explaining.
    There is little to be gained and much to be lost in trying
    to formulate precise markers for when each plus factor is
    present or absent. The plus factors are supposed to guide a
    No. 13-3208                                                 13
    jury or judge in making a more general determination about
    inducement. “Multifactor tests are common in our law but
    they can be cryptic when unattached to a substantive legal
    standard…. Knowing what factors to look at is useless un-
    less one knows what to look for.” 
    Mayfield, 771 F.3d at 435
    .
    Formulating rigid rules for applying each plus factor would
    risk turning the plus factors into barriers rather than aids to
    good judgment.
    Mayfield explains what to look for in applying the plus
    factors indicating inducement: government conduct creating
    a risk that Barta committed a crime he otherwise would not
    have committed. 
    Id. at 434–35.
    Determining whether such
    government conduct occurred—whether any plus factors
    were present—is a contextual inquiry that cannot be reduced
    to applying a checklist of rigid rules. Determinations of in-
    ducement (and predisposition) must be made by considering
    all the facts and circumstances of each case. On the facts and
    circumstances of this case, several plus factors were indis-
    putably present, establishing government inducement that
    entrapped Barta as a matter of law.
    Because Barta points to much more than just government
    persistence to establish entrapment, we need not consider
    what degree of persistence alone would suffice to show in-
    ducement as a matter of law. But make no mistake, the gov-
    ernment was very persistent with Barta. We reject the gov-
    ernment’s contention that the “repeated attempts at persua-
    sion” here were not strong evidence of inducement. Between
    the May 9 and June 22 meetings the FBI sent five emails and
    placed six calls to Barta. Barta never answered any of these
    emails or returned any of these calls.
    14                                                 No. 13-3208
    The government offers an explanation for its persistence.
    It argues that because Barta was a busy and cautious busi-
    nessman, it made sense that he did not have the time or in-
    clination to communicate his commitment to the conspiracy
    as often or as clearly as his co-defendants signaled theirs.
    This argument is premised on a misunderstanding of why
    persistence counts as inducement and why inducement is an
    element of entrapment.
    Persistence counts as inducement because we worry that
    if “additional efforts at persuasion” by the government are
    required to convince someone to commit a crime, 
    id. at 431,
    then the result will be “the apprehension of an otherwise
    law-abiding citizen who, if left to his own devices, likely
    would have never run afoul of the law.” 
    Jacobson, 503 U.S. at 553
    –554. And inducement is an element of entrapment be-
    cause those who accept an “ordinary opportunity to commit
    the crime without additional efforts at persuasion” are justi-
    fiably punished, whether predisposed or not. 
    Mayfield, 771 F.3d at 431
    .
    It is thus not relevant to the inducement inquiry whether
    “additional efforts at persuasion” are required because the
    target of the sting operation is too busy with other things,
    too reverent toward the law, too cautious about the possibil-
    ity of a government sting, or whatever the case may be. The
    point is that the government is supposed to catch criminals,
    not create them. The government’s conduct here, including
    its persistence, posed an impermissible risk that Barta’s crim-
    inality was created rather than caught.
    No. 13-3208                                                  15
    B. Conspiracy
    Why did the government go to such great lengths to get
    Barta finally to make a payment to Castro? The answer can
    be found in conspiracy law. “To convict a defendant of con-
    spiracy, the government must prove that (1) two or more
    people agreed to commit an unlawful act, and (2) the de-
    fendant knowingly and intentionally joined in the agree-
    ment.” United States v. Johnson, 
    592 F.3d 749
    , 754 (7th Cir.
    2010). A “mere association with conspirators” or
    “knowledge of a conspiracy,” even when combined with
    “presence during conspiratorial discussions,” is not suffi-
    cient “to convict a man of conspiracy.” United States v. Garcia,
    
    562 F.2d 411
    , 414 (7th Cir. 1977). The government needed ev-
    idence that Barta “joined and participated in the conspirato-
    rial scheme.” 
    Id. The government
    obtained that evidence on June 22 when
    Barta wrote Castro a check. (That Barta wrote this check
    from a company account is one indication among many that
    he was not the cautious and calculating criminal mastermind
    that the government made him out to be, but we put that
    aside.) The government went so far because it wanted to ob-
    tain such definitive evidence. But it obtained that evidence
    through entrapment, as explained above. And this may be
    why the government argues on appeal that Barta joined the
    conspiracy on or before March 21, before any of the induce-
    ment occurred. This argument is flawed because it attempts
    to uphold a jury verdict on a theory never presented to the
    jury.
    Theories of guilt or liability not argued to the jury are
    waived on appeal. See Absher v. Momence Meadows Nursing
    Center, Inc., 
    764 F.3d 699
    , 711–12 (7th Cir. 2014) (collecting
    16                                                  No. 13-3208
    cases); United States v. Mohamed, 
    759 F.3d 798
    , 808–09 (7th Cir.
    2014). At trial, the government argued that Barta joined the
    conspiracy on May 9 or June 12, and it asked the jury to re-
    turn a guilty verdict on that basis. In its closing argument at
    trial, the government acknowledged that Medrano and
    Buenrostro had formed a conspiracy before Barta allegedly
    joined, and then asserted that “Barta joins at some point lat-
    er, whether it’s on the 9th or the very, very latest, that phone
    call on June 12th.” Trial Tr. 1838. This closing argument—
    that Barta joined the conspiracy on May 9 or June 12—
    cannot be squared with the government’s new theory of the
    case on appeal, that Barta joined the conspiracy on or before
    March 21.
    If Barta had in fact joined a conspiracy with Medrano and
    Buenrostro on or before that first contact with the govern-
    ment on March 21, the entrapment defense would not be
    available. It was after all Buenrostro and Medrano who first
    brought Barta into the discussions with Castro. The govern-
    ment cannot be held responsible for those actions. But the
    theory of an earlier conspiracy would have to be based on
    inferences drawn from Barta’s minimal comments at the
    March 21 meeting, along with statements by the alleged co-
    conspirators to Castro about Barta’s supposed agreement.
    That theory would have made for a very thin case against
    Barta, if it could have stood at all. We need not and do not
    determine here whether the government might have been
    able to win its case against Barta on that theory. The problem
    is that the government did not argue that theory to the jury
    that convicted Barta.
    The government’s theory on appeal is also inconsistent
    with the testimony of its undercover agent. The agent posing
    No. 13-3208                                                     17
    as Castro testified that, as of June 5, Barta “had not con-
    firmed yet” and “was not on board” with the bribery
    scheme. Tr. 896. These statements undermine the govern-
    ment’s new theory. It is true that “Castro” later in his testi-
    mony added that Barta “was always on board with the pay-
    ment,” though he was not on board with “the actual services
    or the way that the Sav-Rx company was going to be able to
    work into the county system” until after June 5. Tr. 998. This
    later testimony is hard to reconcile with a great volume of
    evidence here, but the government interprets Castro’s later
    testimony as indicating that Barta joined the conspiracy long
    before June 5 and merely continued to work out the details
    of the conspiracy after that date.
    The government appears to be relying on the principle
    that “a conspiracy may be actionable, even though it is con-
    ditional.” See United States v. Podolsky, 
    798 F.2d 177
    , 178 (7th
    Cir. 1986). On this view of the evidence, perhaps Barta might
    have made a “conditional agreement” to commit bribery. 
    Id. But while
    conditional agreements can be actionable as con-
    spiracies, it is also true that if the condition is a condition not
    of committing the crime “but of agreeing in the first place,
    there is no criminal conspiracy unless and until the condi-
    tion is satisfied.” 
    Id. On this
    other view of the evidence, Barta
    made at most “an agreement to negotiate an agreement”
    with his co-defendants, which would not have amounted to
    a crime. Id.; see also United States v. Melchor-Lopez, 
    627 F.2d 886
    , 891 (9th Cir. 1980) (“The line between conspiracy and an
    unexercised opportunity to join a conspiracy may be difficult
    to draw, but it must be drawn where the existence of an
    agreement is absent.”).
    18                                                No. 13-3208
    We doubt that a prosecutor armed only with the evidence
    that existed at the end of the day on March 21 would actual-
    ly press this “conditional agreement” theory by pursuing a
    case against Barta. Prosecutors are busy officials with better
    cases to pursue. We also doubt that a jury could be con-
    vinced beyond a reasonable doubt to convict Barta based on
    this “conditional agreement” theory. But given how the gov-
    ernment handled the case, as opposed to how it might have
    handled the case, these are questions that we need not pon-
    der.
    Barta’s conviction is REVERSED and the case is
    REMANDED with instructions to enter a judgment of ac-
    quittal.