Balwinder Singh v. Matthew Whitaker ( 2019 )


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  •                               NOT FOR PUBLICATION                        FILED
    UNITED STATES COURT OF APPEALS                        JAN 9 2019
    MOLLY C. DWYER, CLERK
    U.S. COURT OF APPEALS
    FOR THE NINTH CIRCUIT
    BALWINDER SINGH,                                No.    15-70612
    Petitioner,                     Agency No. A200-235-359
    v.
    MEMORANDUM*
    MATTHEW G. WHITAKER, Acting
    Attorney General,
    Respondent.
    On Petition for Review of an Order of the
    Board of Immigration Appeals
    Argued and Submitted August 13, 2018
    San Francisco, California
    Before: BEA and MURGUIA, Circuit Judges, and SOTO,** District Judge.
    Balwinder Singh, a citizen of India, petitions for review of the Board of
    Immigration Appeals’ (“BIA”) decision dismissing his appeal of the Immigration
    Judge’s (“IJ”) decision denying his applications for asylum, withholding of
    removal, and protection under the Convention Against Torture (“CAT”). Singh
    *
    This disposition is not appropriate for publication and is not precedent
    except as provided by Ninth Circuit Rule 36-3.
    **
    The Honorable James Alan Soto, United States District Judge for the
    District of Arizona, sitting by designation.
    claims persecution by members of India’s Congress Party due to his membership
    in the “Mann Party,” a political party within India that seeks the formation of an
    independent Sikh state. The IJ denied relief based principally on an adverse
    credibility determination, which Singh challenges here. We have jurisdiction
    pursuant to 8 U.S.C. § 1252. We grant the petition and reverse.
    Under the REAL ID Act, the agency must provide “specific and cogent
    reasons in support of an adverse credibility determination.” Shrestha v. Holder,
    
    590 F.3d 1034
    , 1044 (9th Cir. 2010) (citation omitted). The agency should
    consider the totality of the circumstances, statutory factors, and other relevant
    evidence. See 8 U.S.C. § 1158(b)(1)(B)(iii). Courts give a “healthy measure of
    deference to agency credibility determinations,” as “IJs are in the best position to
    assess demeanor and other credibility cues that we cannot readily access on
    review.” 
    Shrestha, 590 F.3d at 1041
    . However, an IJ may not “cherry pick solely
    facts favoring an adverse credibility determination while ignoring facts that
    undermine that result.” 
    Id. at 1040.
    Similarly, while inconsistencies no longer must
    go to the heart of the claim, an “utterly trivial” inconsistency will not form a
    sufficient basis for an adverse credibility determination. 
    Id. at 1043.
    The petitioner
    should have the opportunity to provide an explanation for any inconsistency. Ren
    v. Holder, 
    648 F.3d 1079
    , 1092 n.14 (9th Cir. 2011). The IJ should consider the
    petitioner’s explanation, as well as “other record evidence that sheds light on
    2
    whether there is in fact an inconsistency at all.” 
    Shrestha, 590 F.3d at 1044
    .
    Relying on the IJ’s credibility determination, the BIA concluded that Singh
    was not credible based upon three grounds: (1) the implausibility of Singh’s
    testimony that he did not inform Mann Party leaders that he was twice attacked by
    Congress Party members, (2) the omission in affidavits submitted by Mann Party
    leaders of any mention of the attacks on Singh, and (3) inconsistencies in Singh’s
    testimony with regard to his voting history and voting ID card.1 Reviewing for
    substantial evidence, we conclude that all three grounds were unsupported by the
    record. See Lin v. Gonzales, 
    434 F.3d 1158
    , 1162 (9th Cir. 2006).
    First, the IJ’s conclusion that it was implausible that Singh would not have
    notified the Mann Party leaders of the two attacks that he suffered at the hands of
    the Congress Party workers was not supported by substantial evidence. Here, the IJ
    mischaracterized Singh’s testimony about his relationship with the local Mann
    Party leader, Kashmiri. See 
    Ren, 648 F.3d at 1089
    (reversing where “the IJ’s
    adverse credibility determination rested largely on mischaracterizations of Ren’s
    testimony that are belied by the record.”). The IJ found it striking that Singh would
    not notify the Mann Party of the violence “in light of his personal relationship with
    1
    “Where, as here, the BIA reviewed the IJ’s credibility-based decision for clear
    error and relied upon the IJ’s opinion as a statement of reasons but did not merely
    provide a boilerplate opinion, we look to the IJ’s [] decision as a guide to what lay
    behind the BIA’s conclusion.” Lai v. Holder, 
    773 F.3d 966
    , 970 (9th Cir. 2014)
    (internal quotation marks and citation omitted).
    3
    [Kashmiri], with whom he communicated about party tasks with some regularity.”
    The IJ was incorrect that Singh had a “personal relationship” with the local Mann
    Party leader, Kashmiri, or that Singh communicated with Kashmiri regularly.
    Singh consistently testified that he had no personal relationship with the district
    president Kashmiri and that Kashmiri called Singh 2–3 times with instructions to
    put up posters, but Singh never met Kashmiri and did not know him. Singh further
    testified that he never attended a party meeting, and that Kashmiri likely obtained
    his phone number from party records. The IJ failed to acknowledge this testimony.
    Likewise, the IJ placed too much significance on the fact that the village counselor,
    Sarpanch Kaur, knew about the attacks in light of the testimony that Singh and his
    family did have a personal relationship with Sarpanch Kaur. The fact that Singh
    had no personal relationship with Kashmiri, but did have a personal relationship
    with Kaur makes it eminently plausible that Kaur would know about the attacks,
    but Kashmiri would not. See Bhattarai v. Lynch, 
    835 F.3d 1037
    , 1044 (9th Cir.
    2016) (“The fact that Bhattarai stayed with friends during his first days in
    Kathmandu in 2002 but by 2010 had a rented home in a Kathmandu suburb is not
    only internally consistent but also eminently believable.”). Finally, the IJ
    considered Singh’s explanation of why he did not report the attacks to the Mann
    Party, but failed to consider the second part of Singh’s explanation, regarding why
    he reported the attacks to the police. When considered together, both explanations
    4
    plausibly reflect Singh’s dedication to his political party and his desire not to upset
    the party’s “balance.” The failure on the part of both the IJ and the BIA to fully
    consider Singh’s explanation was an error. See 
    Shrestha, 590 F.3d at 1044
    (“To
    ignore a petitioner’s explanation for a perceived inconsistency and relevant record
    evidence would be to make a credibility determination on less than the total
    circumstances in contravention of the REAL ID Act’s text.”). In sum, the IJ failed
    to state “a legitimate, articulable basis” for his disbelief that Singh would not tell
    the Mann Party leaders about the attacks. See 
    Lin, 434 F.3d at 1162
    (alterations
    omitted).
    Second, the IJ’s reliance on the omission of any mention of the attacks in the
    letters of the Mann Party leaders ignores Singh’s testimony that he did not inform
    those leaders of the attacks. Regarding Kashmiri’s letter, there is no evidence in the
    record that Kashmiri ever learned about the attacks. For the reasons already
    discussed, it is not implausible that Singh would choose not to tell Kashmiri about
    the attacks, as the two did not have a personal relationship. Similarly, Mr. Mann’s
    letter almost exclusively discussed problems faced by Sikhs in India, and contained
    no details of Singh’s particular case. This is consistent with the fact that Singh
    testified that his parents only informed Mann of the attacks when they requested
    the letter from him for the purposes of the present proceedings. Given that neither
    Mann nor Kashmiri had personal knowledge of the attacks, their failure to discuss
    5
    the attacks in the letters does not conflict with Singh’s testimony or cast doubt
    upon its accuracy. See 
    Lai, 773 F.3d at 974
    . The BIA’s reliance upon the omissions
    was therefore not supported by substantial evidence.
    Third, the BIA’s conclusion that Singh’s testimony was internally
    inconsistent with regards to whether he had a registered voter card and whether he
    was able to vote in the elections was not supported by substantial evidence. From
    the present record, it is not clear whether there was any inconsistency at all. When
    first asked if there was a reason why he did not have a voter ID card, Singh gave a
    one-word response: “No.” At this point in the testimony there had been no
    discussion of Congress Party’s tactics to dissuade voting by Sikhs. Agency counsel
    did not follow up on the question, which could have been understood by Singh in
    any number of ways. When the subject did come up again, the questioning was
    more specific. DHS counsel asked: “Sir, . . . why would not having the card stop
    you from voting?” Singh answered accordingly: “Because the Congress Party
    workers were there, and because of that, we cannot put - we cannot cast our vote.”
    Singh’s two statements, when read in context, at best present a trivial
    inconsistency. See 
    Ren, 648 F.3d at 1089
    (“We conclude that, ‘[c]onsidering the
    totality of the circumstances, and all relevant factors,’ 8 U.S.C.
    § 1158(b)(1)(B)(iii), the inconsistencies cited by the IJ are, both on their own and
    in the aggregate, manifestly trivial.” (alteration in original)). Moreover, the BIA
    6
    erred in rejecting Singh’s explanation for the inconsistency. Zhi v. Holder, 
    751 F.3d 1088
    , 1092 (9th Cir. 2014). Later, when asked about this inconsistency, Singh
    answered: “It’s a mistake . . . . Perhaps I didn’t understand the question . . . . I was
    giving answer in a hurry and I did not understand the question.” In light of the
    open-ended nature of DHS counsel’s question and Singh’s one-word response, it is
    believable that Singh simply misunderstood the question or that he might
    reasonably have understood the question in various ways. Perez-Arceo v. Lynch,
    
    821 F.3d 1178
    , 1184–85 (9th Cir. 2016) (concluding it was unclear whether there
    was any inconsistency at all where the government posed ambiguous and varying
    questions). For all of these reasons, we conclude that the inconsistency in
    testimony about Singh’s voter ID card and voting history was not supported by
    substantial evidence in the record.
    Because none of the bases for discrediting Singh finds support in the record,
    we reverse the adverse credibility determination and remand for further
    proceedings on Singh’s claims for asylum, withholding of removal, and CAT
    relief.
    PETITION GRANTED; REVERSED and REMANDED.
    7
    FILED
    JAN 9 2019
    Singh v. Whitaker, No. 15-70612
    MOLLY C. DWYER, CLERK
    U.S. COURT OF APPEALS
    BEA, Circuit Judge, dissenting:
    I disagree with the majority that the BIA’s conclusion that Singh was
    not credible was unsupported by the record. The BIA relied on three
    grounds to find that Singh was not credible: (1) the implausibility of Singh’s
    testimony that he did not inform Mann Party leaders that he was attacked
    twice by Congress Party members, (2) the omission of any mention of the
    attacks on Singh in affidavits submitted by Mann Party leaders, and (3)
    inconsistencies in Singh’s testimony relating to his voting history and voter
    ID card. For the reasons explained below, I conclude the record contained
    substantial evidence to support the BIA’s decision that Singh’s testimony
    was not credible, based on these three grounds. Shrestha v. Holder, 
    590 F.3d 1034
    , 1039 (9th Cir. 2010). Whether I would have made the same
    decision is another and irrelevant question.
    First, the IJ’s conclusion that it was implausible that Singh would not
    have notified the Mann Party leaders of the two attacks by the Congress
    Party workers was supported by substantial evidence. Although Singh
    reported the first attack to the local police, he did not report either attack to
    the local Mann Party leader, Kashmiri, with whom Singh had transacted
    party matters. Singh’s explanation for not reporting the attacks to Kashmiri
    1
    was to preserve the Mann Party’s “balance.” However, he does not explain
    what preserving the Party’s “balance” means, nor why reporting the attacks
    to Kashmiri would upset this “balance.” Moreover, this explanation does
    not make sense in light of the fact that he reported the first attack to the
    police. Nothing in the record indicates that police reports are confidential,
    rather than public, and that the police might not relate the attacks to the
    Mann Party as part of a police investigation. There is no reason why
    reporting the attack to the police would not upset the Party’s “balance,”
    while reporting the attacks to Kashmiri would upset the Party’s “balance.”
    Second, I disagree with the majority that the IJ’s reliance on the
    omission of any mention of the attacks in the letters of the Mann Party
    leaders (Kashmiri and Mann) ignores Singh’s testimony that he did not
    inform those leaders of the attacks. Although the majority is correct that
    there is no evidence in the record that Kashmiri learned of the attacks, it is
    implausible that Mann would not mention the beatings in his letter. As the
    majority acknowledges, Singh testified that his parents informed Mann of
    the attacks when they requested the letter from Mann for the purpose of the
    present proceedings. Considering that the purpose of the letter was to
    establish that Singh would be persecuted, the two attacks would have been
    highly relevant in establishing this.
    2
    Third, the BIA’s conclusion that Singh’s testimony was internally
    inconsistent with regards to whether he had a registered voter ID card and
    whether he was able to vote in the elections was supported by substantial
    evidence. Singh contradicted himself twice as to voting. First, he was asked
    if there was a reason he did not have a voter ID card. Singh answered “No.”
    Singh then related that Congress Party workers controlled the voter ID cards
    and would not give him a voter ID card because he would not vote for the
    Congress Party. That is a very obvious reason he did not have a voter ID
    card and a very obvious contradiction. In addition, Singh testified that he
    voted in 2004 or 2005 without a voter ID card, but also claimed he could not
    vote after 2000 without a voter ID card. This is another contradiction that he
    did not explain.
    Because I agree with the BIA that Singh’s testimony was not credible,
    I would deny Singh’s petition for review.
    3
    

Document Info

Docket Number: 15-70612

Filed Date: 1/9/2019

Precedential Status: Non-Precedential

Modified Date: 1/9/2019