State of Hawaii v. Donald Trump ( 2017 )


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  •                              FOR PUBLICATION                          FILED
    UNITED STATES COURT OF APPEALS                      JUN 12 2017
    MOLLY C. DWYER, CLERK
    U.S. COURT OF APPEALS
    FOR THE NINTH CIRCUIT
    STATE OF HAWAII; ISMAIL ELSHIKH,              No.   17-15589
    Plaintiffs-Appellees,          D.C. No.
    1:17-cv-00050-DKW-KSC
    v.
    DONALD J. TRUMP, in his official              OPINION
    capacity as President of the United States;
    U.S. DEPARTMENT OF HOMELAND
    SECURITY; JOHN F. KELLY, in his
    official capacity as Secretary of Homeland
    Security; U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE;
    REX W. TILLERSON, in his official
    capacity as Secretary of State; UNITED
    STATES OF AMERICA,
    Defendants-Appellants.
    Appeal from the United States District Court
    for the District of Hawai‘i
    Derrick Kahala Watson, District Judge, Presiding
    Argued and Submitted May 15, 2017
    Seattle, Washington
    Before: Michael Daly Hawkins, Ronald M. Gould, and Richard A. Paez, Circuit
    Judges.
    Per Curiam Opinion
    OPINION1
    PER CURIAM:
    We are asked to delineate the statutory and constitutional limits to the
    President’s power to control immigration in this appeal of the district court’s order
    preliminarily enjoining two sections of Executive Order 13780 (“EO2” or “the
    Order”), “Protecting the Nation From Foreign Terrorist Entry Into the United
    States.” The Immigration and Nationality Act (“INA”) gives the President broad
    powers to control the entry of aliens, and to take actions to protect the American
    public. But immigration, even for the President, is not a one-person show. The
    President’s authority is subject to certain statutory and constitutional restraints.
    We conclude that the President, in issuing the Executive Order, exceeded the scope
    of the authority delegated to him by Congress. In suspending the entry of more
    than 180 million nationals from six countries, suspending the entry of all refugees,
    and reducing the cap on the admission of refugees from 110,000 to 50,000 for the
    2017 fiscal year, the President did not meet the essential precondition to exercising
    his delegated authority: The President must make a sufficient finding that the entry
    of these classes of people would be “detrimental to the interests of the United
    States.” Further, the Order runs afoul of other provisions of the INA that prohibit
    1
    We thank the parties and their counsel, as well as the amici, for their excellent
    briefs and arguments in this case.
    2
    nationality-based discrimination and require the President to follow a specific
    process when setting the annual cap on the admission of refugees. On these
    statutory bases, we affirm in large part the district court’s order preliminarily
    enjoining Sections 2 and 6 of the Executive Order.
    I
    A
    One week after inauguration and without interagency review, President
    Donald J. Trump issued Executive Order 13769 (“EO1”). Exec. Order No. 13769,
    82 Fed. Reg. 8977 (Jan. 27, 2017).2 Entitled “Protecting the Nation From Foreign
    Terrorist Entry Into the United States,” EO1’s stated purpose was to “protect the
    American people from terrorist attacks by foreign nationals admitted to the United
    States.” 
    Id. EO1 recited
    that “[n]umerous foreign-born individuals have been
    convicted or implicated in terrorism-related crimes since September 11, 2001,
    including foreign nationals who entered the United States after receiving visitor,
    student, or employment visas, or who entered through the United States refugee
    resettlement program.” 
    Id. EO1 mandated
    two main courses of action to assure that the United States
    remain “vigilant during the visa-issuance process to ensure that those approved for
    2
    EO1 was a predecessor to Executive Order 13780, which is the subject of the
    current appeal.
    3
    admission do not intend to harm Americans and that they have no ties to
    terrorism.” 
    Id. In Section
    3, the President invoked his authority under 8 U.S.C.
    § 1182(f) to suspend for 90 days immigrant and nonimmigrant entry into the
    United States of nationals from seven majority-Muslim countries: Iraq, Iran, Libya,
    Sudan, Somalia, Syria, and Yemen. See 
    id. at 8978.
    In Section 5, the President
    immediately suspended the U.S. Refugee Admissions Program (“USRAP”) for 120
    days, imposed a ban of indefinite duration on the entry of refugees from Syria, and
    limited the entry of refugees to 50,000 in fiscal year 2017. 
    Id. at 8979.
    EO1 also
    ordered that changes be made to the refugee screening process “to prioritize
    refugee claims made by individuals on the basis of religious-based persecution,
    provided that the religion of the individual is a minority religion in the individual’s
    country of nationality.” 
    Id. EO1 permitted
    the Secretaries of State and Homeland
    Security to make case-by-case exceptions to these restrictions “when in the
    national interest,” and explained that it would be in the national interest “when the
    person is a religious minority in his country of nationality facing religious
    persecution.” 
    Id. EO1 took
    immediate effect, causing great uncertainty as to the scope of the
    order, particularly in its application to lawful permanent residents. Notably,
    federal officials themselves were unsure as to the scope of EO1, which caused
    mass confusion at airports and other ports of entry. See Brief of the Foundation of
    4
    Children of Iran and Iranian Alliance Across Borders as Amici Curiae, Dkt. No. 77
    at 11–12 (describing how an Iranian visa holder was turned away while en route to
    the United States because of the confusion regarding the contours of EO1’s scope);
    Brief of Former National Security Officials as Amici Curiae, Dkt. No. 108 at 25
    n.53 & 54 (noting confusion at airports because officials were neither consulted
    nor informed of EO1 in advance).
    Shortly after EO1 issued, the States of Washington and Minnesota filed suit
    in the Western District of Washington to enjoin EO1. On February 3, 2017, the
    district court granted a temporary restraining order (“TRO”). Washington v.
    Trump, No. C17-0141JLR, 
    2017 WL 462040
    (W.D. Wash. Feb. 3, 2017). On
    February 4, 2017, the Government filed an emergency motion in our court, seeking
    a stay of the TRO pending appeal.
    On February 9, 2017, this court denied the Government’s emergency motion
    for a stay of the injunction. Washington v. Trump, 
    847 F.3d 1151
    (9th Cir. 2017)
    (per curiam), reconsideration en banc denied, 
    853 F.3d 933
    (9th Cir. 2017). In so
    doing, the panel rejected the Government’s arguments that EO1 was wholly
    unreviewable. See 
    id. at 1161–64.
    After determining that the states had standing
    based on the alleged harms to their proprietary interests, 
    id. at 1159–61,
    this court
    concluded that the states demonstrated a likelihood of success on their procedural
    due process claim, at least as to lawful permanent residents and nonimmigrant visa
    5
    holders, 
    id. at 1164–66.
    The panel did not review the states’ other claims,
    including the statutory-based claims. 
    Id. at 1164.
    Rather than continue with the litigation, the Government filed an unopposed
    motion to voluntarily dismiss the underlying appeal after the President signed EO2.
    On March 8, 2017, this court granted that motion, which substantially ended the
    story of EO1. The curtain opens next to the present controversy regarding EO2.
    B
    On March 6, 2017, the President issued EO2, also entitled “Protecting the
    Nation From Foreign Terrorist Entry Into the United States.” Exec. Order No.
    13780, 82 Fed. Reg. 13209 (Mar. 6, 2017). The revised Order was to take effect
    on March 16, 2017, at which point EO1 would be revoked. 
    Id. at 13218.
    The
    Order expressly stated that EO1 “did not provide a basis for discriminating for or
    against members of any particular religion” and was “not motivated by animus
    toward any religion.” 
    Id. at 13210.
    Section 2—“Temporary Suspension of Entry for Nationals of Countries of
    Particular Concern During Review Period”—reinstates the 90-day ban on travel for
    nationals of six of the seven majority-Muslim countries identified in EO1: Iran,
    Libya, Somalia, Sudan, Syria, and Yemen. 
    Id. at 13213.
    Section 2 also directs the
    Secretary of Homeland Security, the Secretary of State, and the Director of
    National Intelligence to “conduct a worldwide review to identify whether, and if so
    6
    what, additional information will be needed from each foreign country to
    adjudicate an application by a national of that country for a visa, admission, or
    other benefit under the INA (adjudications) in order to determine that the
    individual is not a security or public-safety threat.” 
    Id. at 13212.
    Section 2(c)
    states in full:
    To temporarily reduce investigative burdens on relevant agencies
    during the review period described in subsection (a) of this section, to
    ensure the proper review and maximum utilization of available
    resources for the screening and vetting of foreign nationals, to ensure
    that adequate standards are established to prevent infiltration by foreign
    terrorists, and in light of the national security concerns referenced in
    section 1 of this order, I hereby proclaim, pursuant to sections 212(f)
    and 215(a) of the INA, 8 U.S.C. [§§] 1182(f) and 1185(a), that the
    unrestricted entry into the United States of nationals of Iran, Libya,
    Somalia, Sudan, Syria, and Yemen would be detrimental to the interests
    of the United States. I therefore direct that the entry into the United
    States of nationals of those six countries be suspended for 90 days from
    the effective date of this order, subject to the limitations, waivers, and
    exceptions set forth in sections 3 and 12 of this order.
    
    Id. at 13213.
    Regarding the six identified countries, EO2 explains:
    Each of these countries is a state sponsor of terrorism, has been
    significantly compromised by terrorist organizations, or contains active
    conflict zones. Any of these circumstances diminishes the foreign
    government’s willingness or ability to share or validate important
    information about individuals seeking to travel to the United States.
    Moreover, the significant presence in each of these countries of terrorist
    organizations, their members, and others exposed to those
    organizations increases the chance that conditions will be exploited to
    enable terrorist operatives or sympathizers to travel to the United States.
    Finally, once foreign nationals from these countries are admitted to the
    United States, it is often difficult to remove them, because many of
    7
    these countries typically delay issuing, or refuse to issue, travel
    documents.
    
    Id. at 13210.
    Based on the conditions of these six countries, “the risk of
    erroneously permitting entry of a national of one of these countries who intends to
    commit terrorist acts or otherwise harm the national security of the United States is
    unacceptably high.” 
    Id. at 13211.
    The Order states that it no longer includes Iraq on the list of designated
    countries because of Iraq’s “close cooperative relationship” with the United States
    and its recent efforts to enhance its travel documentation procedures. 
    Id. at 13212.
    The Order also states that its scope has been narrowed from EO1 in response to
    “judicial concerns” about the suspension of entry with respect to certain categories
    of aliens. 
    Id. EO2 applies
    only to individuals outside of the United States who do
    not have a valid visa as of the issuance of EO1 or EO2. EO2, unlike EO1,
    expressly exempts lawful permanent residents, dual citizens traveling under a
    passport issued by a country not on the banned list, asylees, and refugees already
    admitted to the United States. See 
    id. at 13213–14.
    The Order also provides that
    consular officers or Customs and Border Protection officials can exercise
    discretion in authorizing case-by-case waivers to issue visas and grant entry during
    the suspension period, and offers examples of when waivers “could be
    appropriate.” See 
    id. at 13214–15.
    Section 6—“Realignment of the U.S. Refugee Admissions Program for
    8
    Fiscal Year 2017”—suspends USRAP for 120 days. 
    Id. at 13215.
    During this
    period, the heads of certain executive agencies are directed to review the current
    USRAP application and adjudication processes, and to determine the additional
    procedures that “should” be required for individuals seeking admission as refugees.
    See 
    id. at 13215–16.
    Invoking 8 U.S.C. § 1182(f), Section 6(b) reduces the
    number of refugees to be admitted from 110,000 to 50,000 in fiscal year 2017. 
    Id. at 13216.
    The Order also removes EO1’s preference for refugees facing
    persecution as a member of a minority religion, and no longer imposes a complete
    ban on Syrian refugees. Section 6 further provides for discretionary case-by-case
    waivers. 
    Id. EO2 supplies
    additional information relevant to national security concerns.
    The Order includes excerpts from the State Department’s 2015 Country Reports on
    Terrorism, that it asserts demonstrate “why . . . nationals [from the designated
    countries] continue to present heightened risk to the security of the United States.”
    
    Id. at 13210;
    see 
    id. at 13210–11
    (providing a brief description of country
    conditions for each of the designated countries). The Order states that foreign
    nationals and refugees have committed acts of terrorism:
    Recent history shows that some of those who have entered the United
    States through our immigration system have proved to be threats to our
    national security. Since 2001, hundreds of persons born abroad have
    been convicted of terrorism-related crimes in the United States. They
    have included not just persons who came here legally on visas but also
    individuals who first entered the country as refugees. For example, in
    9
    January 2013, two Iraqi nationals admitted to the United States as
    refugees in 2009 were sentenced to 40 years and to life in prison,
    respectively, for multiple terrorism-related offenses. And in October
    2014, a native of Somalia who had been brought to the United States as
    a child refugee and later became a naturalized United States citizen was
    sentenced to 30 years in prison for attempting to use a weapon of mass
    destruction as part of a plot to detonate a bomb at a crowded Christmas-
    tree-lighting ceremony in Portland, Oregon. The Attorney General has
    reported to me that more than 300 persons who entered the United
    States as refugees are currently the subjects of counterterrorism
    investigations by the Federal Bureau of Investigation.
    
    Id. at 13212.
    EO2 does not discuss any instances of domestic terrorism involving
    nationals from Iran, Libya, Sudan, Syria, or Yemen.
    C
    Two versions of a report from the Department of Homeland Security
    (“DHS”) surfaced after EO1 issued. First, a draft report from DHS, prepared about
    one month after EO1 issued and two weeks prior to EO2’s issuance, concluded that
    citizenship “is unlikely to be a reliable indicator of potential terrorist activity” and
    that citizens of countries affected by EO1 are “[r]arely [i]mplicated in U.S.-[b]ased
    [t]errorism.” Specifically, the DHS report determined that since the spring of
    2011, at least eighty-two individuals were inspired by a foreign terrorist group to
    carry out or attempt to carry out an attack in the United States. Slightly more than
    half were U.S. citizens born in the United States, and the remaining persons were
    from twenty-six different countries—with the most individuals originating from
    Pakistan, followed by Somalia, Bangladesh, Cuba, Ethiopia, Iraq, and Uzbekistan.
    10
    
    Id. Of the
    six countries included in EO2, only Somalia was identified as being
    among the “top” countries-of-origin for the terrorists analyzed in the report.
    During the time period covered in the report, three offenders were from Somalia;
    one was from Iran, Sudan, and Yemen each; and none was from Syria or Libya.
    The final version of the report, issued five days prior to EO2, concluded “that most
    foreign-born, [U.S.]-based violent extremists likely radicalized several years after
    their entry to the United States, [thus] limiting the ability of screening and vetting
    officials to prevent their entry because of national security concerns” (emphasis
    added).
    The same day EO2 issued, Attorney General Jefferson B. Sessions III and
    Secretary of Homeland Security John F. Kelly submitted a letter to the President
    recommending that he “direct[] a temporary pause in entry” from countries that are
    “unable or unwilling to provide the United States with adequate information about
    their nationals” or are designated as “state sponsors of terrorism.”
    D
    The State of Hawai‘i (“the State”) filed a motion for a TRO seeking to
    enjoin EO1, which the District of Hawai‘i did not rule on because of the
    nationwide TRO entered in the Western District of Washington. After EO2 issued,
    the State filed an amended complaint challenging EO2 in order “to protect its
    residents, its employers, its educational institutions, and its sovereignty.” Dr.
    11
    Elshikh, the Imam of the Muslim Association of Hawai‘i, joined the State’s
    challenge because the Order “inflicts a grave injury on Muslims in Hawai‘i,
    including Dr. Elshikh, his family, and members of his Mosque.” In 2015, Dr.
    Elshikh’s wife filed an I-130 Petition for Alien Relative on behalf of her mother—
    Dr. Elshikh’s mother-in-law—a Syrian national living in Syria. Dr. Elshikh fears
    that his mother-in-law will not be able to enter the United States if EO2 is
    implemented. Plaintiffs named as Defendants Donald J. Trump, in his official
    capacity as President of the United States; the U.S. Department of Homeland
    Security; John F. Kelly, in his official capacity as Secretary of Homeland Security;
    the U.S. Department of State; Rex W. Tillerson, in his official capacity as
    Secretary of State; and the United States of America (collectively referred to as
    “the Government”).
    Plaintiffs allege that EO2 suffers similar constitutional and statutory defects
    as EO1 and claim that the Order violates: the Establishment Clause of the First
    Amendment; the equal protection guarantees of the Fifth Amendment’s Due
    Process Clause on the basis of religion and/or national origin, nationality, or
    alienage; the Due Process Clause of the Fifth Amendment based on substantive
    due process rights; the Due Process Clause of the Fifth Amendment based on
    procedural due process rights; the Immigration and Nationality Act; the Religious
    Freedom Restoration Act; and the Administrative Procedure Act. For their INA
    12
    claim, Plaintiffs specifically contend that EO2 violates the INA by discriminating
    on the basis of nationality, ignoring and modifying the statutory criteria for
    determining terrorism-related inadmissibility, and exceeding the President’s
    delegated authority under the INA.3 Plaintiffs also filed a motion for a TRO along
    with their amended complaint.
    On March 15, 2017, the district court granted the TRO, holding that
    Plaintiffs had shown a likelihood of success on the merits of their Establishment
    Clause claim, and entered a nationwide injunction prohibiting enforcement of
    Sections 2 and 6 of EO2. See Hawai‘i v. Trump, No. CV 17-00050 DKW-KSC,
    
    2017 WL 1011673
    (D. Haw. Mar. 15, 2017) (“Hawai‘i TRO”). On March 29,
    2017, the district court granted Plaintiffs’ motion to convert the TRO to a
    preliminary injunction. See Hawai‘i v. Trump, No. CV 17-00050 DKW-KSC,
    
    2017 WL 1167383
    (D. Haw. Mar. 29, 2017) (“Hawai‘i PI”). The district court
    declined to narrow the scope of the injunction, concluding that the entirety of
    Sections 2 and 6 of the Order ran afoul of the Establishment Clause and that the
    Government did not provide a workable framework for narrowing the scope of the
    enjoined conduct. See 
    id. at *8.
    The court entered the following injunction:
    Defendants and all their respective officers, agents, servants,
    employees, and attorneys, and persons in active concert or participation
    3
    On appeal, Plaintiffs also contend that EO2 violates the INA because it ignores
    the codified procedures for setting annual refugee admissions provided in 8 U.S.C.
    § 1157.
    13
    with them, are hereby enjoined from enforcing or implementing
    Sections 2 and 6 of the Executive Order across the Nation.
    Enforcement of these provisions in all places, including the United
    States, at all United States borders and ports of entry, and in the
    issuance of visas is prohibited, pending further orders from this Court.
    
    Id. at *9.
    On March 30, 2017, the Government filed a notice of appeal. This court
    granted the Government’s unopposed motion to expedite the case. The
    Government requests that this court vacate the preliminary injunction, or at least
    narrow the injunction, and also stay the injunction pending appeal.
    II
    The district court held that Plaintiffs were entitled to preliminary relief
    because they had made a strong showing of success on the merits of their
    Establishment Clause claim. Applying the secular purpose test from Lemon v.
    Kurtzman, 
    403 U.S. 602
    , 612–13 (1971), and relying on the historical record that
    contained “significant and unrebutted evidence of religious animus driving the
    promulgation of the Executive Order,” the district court concluded that EO2 was
    issued with an intent to disfavor people of Islamic faith. See Hawai‘i TRO, 
    2017 WL 1011673
    , at *12–16. In so doing, the district court decided an important and
    controversial constitutional claim without first expressing its views on Plaintiffs’
    statutory claims, including their INA-based claim. See 
    id. at *11
    n.11.
    The INA claim was squarely before the district court and briefed and argued
    14
    before this court. Mindful of the Supreme Court’s admonition that “courts should
    be extremely careful not to issue unnecessary constitutional rulings,”
    “[p]articularly where, as here, a case implicates the fundamental relationship
    between the Branches,” we think it appropriate to turn first to the INA claim. Am.
    Foreign Serv. Ass’n v. Garfinkel, 
    490 U.S. 153
    , 161 (1989) (per curiam); accord
    Lying v. Nw. Indian Cemetery Protective Ass’n, 
    485 U.S. 439
    , 445 (1988) (“A
    fundamental and longstanding principle of judicial restraint requires that courts
    avoid reaching constitutional questions in advance of the necessity of deciding
    them.”).
    After first determining that Plaintiffs have standing to assert their INA-based
    statutory claim, we conclude that Plaintiffs have shown a likelihood of success on
    the merits of that claim and that the district court’s preliminary injunction order
    can be affirmed in large part based on statutory grounds. For reasons further
    explained below, we need not, and do not, reach the Establishment Clause claim to
    resolve this appeal. See Ashwander v. Tenn. Valley Auth., 
    297 U.S. 288
    , 347
    (1936) (Brandeis, J., concurring) (“[I]f a case can be decided on either of two
    grounds, one involving a constitutional question, the other a question of statutory
    construction or general law, the Court will decide only the latter.”).
    III
    Before turning to our review of Plaintiffs’ statutory claim, we first address
    15
    the Government’s challenge to the preliminary injunction order on justiciability
    grounds. The Government contends both that Plaintiffs lack standing to pursue
    this case and that the case is not yet ripe. The Government further contends that
    the consular nonreviewability doctrine bars this court from reviewing EO2. We
    address each contention in turn.
    A
    “Article III of the Constitution limits federal-court jurisdiction to ‘Cases’
    and ‘Controversies.’” Massachusetts v. EPA, 
    549 U.S. 497
    , 516 (2007). “Standing
    to sue is a doctrine rooted in the traditional understanding of a case or controversy”
    and limits who may “maintain a lawsuit in federal court to seek redress for a legal
    wrong.” Spokeo, Inc. v. Robins, 
    136 S. Ct. 1540
    , 1547 (2016). “[T]o satisfy
    Article III’s standing requirements, a plaintiff must show (1) it has suffered an
    ‘injury in fact’ that is (a) concrete and particularized and (b) actual or imminent,
    not conjectural or hypothetical; (2) the injury is fairly traceable to the challenged
    action of the defendant; and (3) it is likely, as opposed to merely speculative, that
    the injury will be redressed by a favorable decision.” Friends of the Earth, Inc. v.
    Laidlaw Envtl. Servs. (TOC), Inc., 
    528 U.S. 167
    , 180–81 (2000) (citing Lujan v.
    Defs. of Wildlife, 
    504 U.S. 555
    , 560–61 (1992)). “At this very preliminary stage of
    the litigation, [Plaintiffs] may rely on the allegations in their [amended complaint]
    and whatever other evidence they submitted in support of their [preliminary
    16
    injunction] motion to meet their burden.” 
    Washington, 847 F.3d at 1159
    ; see
    
    Lujan, 504 U.S. at 561
    .
    The district court determined that both the State of Hawai‘i and Dr. Elshikh
    have standing to pursue their Establishment Clause claim. See Hawai‘i TRO, 
    2017 WL 1011673
    , at *7–10. The Government argues that Plaintiffs fail to satisfy the
    requirements of Article III standing to bring their Establishment Clause claim.
    Plaintiffs must establish standing for each of their claims. DaimlerChrysler Corp.
    v. Cuno, 
    547 U.S. 332
    , 352 (2006). As we do not reach Plaintiffs’ Establishment
    Clause claim, we address only whether Plaintiffs have standing to challenge EO2
    based on their INA-based statutory claim and conclude that they do.
    1
    Dr. Elshikh is an American citizen of Egyptian descent. He alleges that EO2
    will prevent his mother-in-law from obtaining a visa to reunite with her family.
    His mother-in-law is a Syrian national currently living in Syria; she last visited her
    family in Hawai‘i in 2005 and has not yet met two of her five grandchildren. Dr.
    Elshikh’s wife filed an I-130 Petition for Alien Relative on behalf of her mother in
    September 2015, and the petition was approved in February 2016. After EO1
    issued, Dr. Elshikh was told that his mother-in-law’s visa application for an
    immigrant visa had been put on hold. After EO1 was enjoined, he was notified
    that the application had progressed to the next stage of the process, and that her
    17
    interview would be scheduled at an embassy overseas. Dr. Elshikh understandably
    and reasonably fears that EO2 will prevent his mother-in-law from entering the
    country.4 Dr. Elshikh asserts that he has standing based on the barriers EO2
    imposes in preventing him from reuniting his mother-in-law with his family.
    This court and the Supreme Court have reviewed the merits of cases brought
    by U.S. residents with a specific interest in the entry of a foreigner. See, e.g.,
    Kerry v. Din, 
    135 S. Ct. 2128
    , 2131 (2015) (involving a challenge by a U.S. citizen
    to the denial of her husband’s visa); Kleindienst v. Mandel, 
    408 U.S. 753
    , 756–60
    (1972) (addressing a challenge by American professors to the denial of a visa to a
    journalist they had invited to speak at several academic events); Cardenas v.
    United States, 
    826 F.3d 1164
    , 1167 (9th Cir. 2016) (determining that a U.S. citizen
    could challenge the denial of her husband’s visa). Most similar to this case, in
    Legal Assistance for Vietnamese Asylum Seekers v. Department of State, Bureau of
    Consular Affairs, the D.C. Circuit determined that visa sponsors had standing to
    assert that the State Department’s refusal to process visa applications of
    4
    Dr. Elshikh also alleges that EO2 results in a disfavored religion in Hawai‘i and
    the United States; that the Order communicates to his five children that their own
    country discriminates against individuals who share their ethnicity and religious
    beliefs; and that the Order has caused members of the Islamic community in
    Hawai‘i, including members of his mosque, to feel that Muslim citizens are
    targeted because of their religion and national origin. For purposes of determining
    standing to pursue the INA-based statutory claim, we need not address these
    aspects of Dr. Elshikh’s injury.
    18
    Vietnamese citizens living in Hong Kong violated 8 U.S.C. § 1152. 
    45 F.3d 469
    ,
    471–73 (D.C. Cir. 1995), vacated on other grounds, 
    519 U.S. 1
    (1996). The court
    explained that the State Department’s actions prolonged the separation of
    immediate family members, which resulted in injury to the sponsors. 
    Id. Dr. Elshikh
    seeks to reunite his mother-in-law with his family and similarly
    experiences prolonged separation from her. By suspending the entry of nationals
    from the six designated countries, including Syria, EO2 operates to delay or
    prevent the issuance of visas to nationals from those countries, including Dr.
    Elshikh’s mother-in-law. Dr. Elshikh has alleged a concrete harm because EO2,
    specifically the operation of Section 2, is a barrier to reunification with his mother-
    in-law in light of her stalled visa process. See 
    id. (holding that
    U.S. resident
    sponsors had standing to challenge the State Department’s refusal to process visa
    applications); Int’l Refugee Assistance Project v. Trump, — F.3d —–, No. 17-
    1351, 
    2017 WL 2273306
    , at *10 (4th Cir. May 25, 2017) (en banc), as amended
    (May 31, 2017) (identifying prolonged separation between plaintiff and his wife as
    a concrete harm). That his mother-in-law’s visa application process was placed on
    hold when EO1 took effect, but moved forward when EO1 was enjoined, further
    shows that Dr. Elshikh’s injury is concrete, real, and immediate if EO2 takes
    effect. Dr. Elshikh has thus alleged a sufficient injury-in-fact. While not
    challenged by the Government, it is also clear that Dr. Elshikh has established
    19
    causation and redressability. His injuries are fairly traceable to the Order,
    satisfying causation, and enjoining EO2 will remove a barrier to reunification and
    redress that injury, satisfying redressability.
    Dr. Elshikh has met the requirements for constitutional standing with respect
    to the INA-based statutory claim.
    2
    The State of Hawai‘i alleges two primary theories of harm in asserting its
    standing: harm to its proprietary interests and impairment of its sovereign interests.
    “[L]ike other associations and private parties, a State is bound to have a
    variety of proprietary interests. A State may, for example, own land or participate
    in a business venture.” Alfred L. Snapp & Son, Inc. v. Puerto Rico ex rel. Barez,
    
    458 U.S. 592
    , 601 (1982). “And like other such proprietors [the State] may at
    times need to pursue those interests in court.” 
    Id. at 601–02.
    The State asserts that it has standing because of the injuries inflicted on its
    university. The University of Hawai‘i (“the University”), which the State operates,
    has twenty-three graduate students, at least twenty-nine visiting faculty members,
    and other permanent faculty members from the six countries designated in EO2.
    The State asserts that EO2 constrains the University’s ability to recruit and enroll
    undergraduate and graduate students, and recruit and hire visiting faculty from the
    affected countries. The State also contends that EO2 threatens the University’s
    20
    ability to fulfill its educational mission by hampering recruitment of diverse
    students, preventing scholars from considering employment at the University,
    dissuading current professors and scholars from continuing their scholarship at the
    University, hindering the free flow of ideas, and harming its values of
    inclusiveness and tolerance.
    Given the timing of the admissions cycle and this litigation, the State
    concedes that it is too soon to determine the full impact on recruitment, but asserts
    that individuals who are not current visa holders or lawful permanent residents
    would be precluded from considering the University. In its opposition brief, the
    State gave updated information, explaining that eleven graduate students from the
    countries affected by the Order have been admitted, and the University was still
    considering applications from twenty-one other affected applicants. After the case
    was submitted, Plaintiffs supplemented the record with further updates on the
    University’s admissions cycle.5 At least three graduate students, each from one of
    the six designated countries, have accepted their offers of admission and have
    committed to attending the University. There are eleven graduate student
    applicants, each from one of the six designated countries, with pending offers of
    admission for the 2017–18 school year. University classes begin on August 21,
    5
    The Government did not oppose Plaintiffs’ motion for leave to supplement the
    record, and we granted the motion.
    21
    2017, but at least two of the students who have accepted their offers of admission
    must be present on campus by August 1, 2017 and August 10, 2017, respectively,
    for their graduate programs. The State further explains that if EO2 takes effect
    now, these students’ ability to obtain visas will be impeded.
    Before Plaintiffs supplemented the record, the Government argued that the
    State had not identified any prospective student or faculty member who wished to
    enter the country during Section 2(c)’s 90-day period. However, the State’s
    alleged harm is that EO2 presently constrains their recruitment efforts for students
    and faculty, and that EO2 deters prospective students and faculty members. Given
    the short admissions cycle—from when the University offers admissions to when
    international students must decide whether to attend—and the uncertainty of
    whether EO2 will inhibit their ability to secure a visa before the fall semester
    begins, EO2’s deterrent effect is an injury that is “concrete” and “imminent,” as
    opposed to merely “speculative.” See 
    Lujan, 504 U.S. at 560
    –61 (internal
    quotation marks omitted). Of course, a student who is not permitted to obtain a
    visa and enter our country would not accept an offer of admission.
    The Government next contends that Plaintiffs cannot rely on events that
    unfolded after the filing of the complaint to establish standing. This argument is
    not persuasive. The State had previously contended that its recruitment was
    constrained by EO2 and its supplemental declaration merely provides greater detail
    22
    regarding the students who may be unable to join the academic community this fall
    if EO2 takes effect. We consider the supplemental information as further evidence
    that EO2 will harm the State because students affected by Section 2(c) may not
    attend the University, and the University will lose tuition and educational benefits.
    The State’s standing can thus be grounded in its proprietary interests as an
    operator of the University. EO2 harms the State’s interests because (1) students
    and faculty suspended from entry are deterred from studying or teaching at the
    University; and (2) students who are unable to attend the University will not pay
    tuition or contribute to a diverse student body. See 
    Washington, 847 F.3d at 1161
    (holding that states, as operators of universities, had Article III standing to
    challenge EO1 based on harms to their proprietary interests); Texas v. United
    States, 
    809 F.3d 134
    , 155–63 (5th Cir. 2015), as revised (Nov. 25, 2015), aff’d by
    an equally divided Court, 
    136 S. Ct. 2271
    (2016) (holding that the state of Texas
    had standing to challenge the Deferred Action for Parents of Americans and
    Lawful Permanent Residents (“DAPA”) program based on its alleged injury of
    subsidizing driver’s licenses to DAPA beneficiaries). We further conclude that the
    State has shown that its injury is fairly traceable to EO2 and that enjoining EO2
    would redress its harm.
    The State also presents an alternative standing theory: that the Order impairs
    its sovereign interests in carrying out its refugee policies, among other things. A
    23
    state has an interest in its “exercise of sovereign power over individuals and
    entities within the relevant jurisdiction,” which “involves the power to create and
    enforce a legal code.” Alfred L. Snapp & 
    Son, 458 U.S. at 601
    . The State contends
    that EO2 hinders the exercise of its sovereign power to enforce its laws and
    policies and this inflicts an injury sufficient to provide the State standing to
    challenge the Order. The State has laws protecting equal rights, barring
    discrimination, and fostering diversity. See, e.g., Haw. Const. art. 1, §§ 2, 5; Haw.
    Rev. Stat. §§ 489-3, 515-3. Specific to refugees, the State created the Office of
    Community Services (“OCS”), which is directed to “[a]ssist and coordinate the
    efforts of all public and private agencies providing services which affect the
    disadvantaged, refugees, and immigrants.” Haw. Rev. Stat. § 371K-4. OCS
    operates multiple programs for refugees.
    The State has resettled three refugees this fiscal year, and at least twenty
    since 2010. EO2 would prevent the State from assisting with refugee resettlement
    and thus prevent it from effectuating its policies aimed at assisting refugee and
    immigrant populations. See 
    id. The State’s
    requested injunctive relief would
    permit it to assist in the resettlement of refugees, at least through fiscal year 2017.
    As the State exercises “sovereign power over individuals and entities within the
    relevant jurisdiction” in administering OCS, we conclude, at this preliminary stage,
    that the State has made sufficient allegations to support standing to challenge the
    24
    refugee-related provisions of EO2. See Alfred L. Snapp & 
    Son, 458 U.S. at 601
    ;
    see also Virginia ex rel. Cuccinelli v. Sebelius, 
    656 F.3d 253
    , 269 (4th Cir. 2011)
    (collecting cases where state was found to possess sovereign standing based on
    state statutes that regulated behavior or provided for the administration of a state
    program).
    Concluding that Dr. Elshikh and the State have satisfied Article III’s
    standing requirements,6 we turn to whether Plaintiffs are within the “zone of
    interests” protected by the INA.
    3
    Because Plaintiffs allege a statutory claim, we must determine whether they
    meet the requirement of having interests that “fall within the zone of interests
    protected by the law invoked.” Lexmark Int’l, Inc. v. Static Control Components,
    Inc., 
    134 S. Ct. 1377
    , 1388 (2014) (internal quotation marks omitted).
    We have little trouble determining that Dr. Elshikh is within the zone of
    interests of the INA to challenge EO2 based on this statutory claim. He asserts that
    the travel ban prevents his mother-in-law from reuniting with his family. See
    6
    The State has asserted other proprietary interests, including the loss of tourism
    revenue. The State also appears to present a standing theory based on its quasi-
    sovereign interests, as parens patriae, to secure its residents from the harmful
    effects of discrimination. We do not reach these arguments because we conclude
    that the State’s proprietary interests, as an operator of the University of Hawai‘i,
    and its sovereign interests, in carrying out its refugee programs and policies, are
    sufficient to confer standing. See 
    Washington, 847 F.3d at 1161
    n.5.
    25
    Legal Assistance for Vietnamese Asylum 
    Seekers, 45 F.3d at 471
    –72 (“The INA
    authorizes the immigration of family members of United States citizens and
    permanent resident aliens. In originally enacting the INA, Congress implemented
    the underlying intention of our immigration laws regarding the preservation of the
    family unit. Given the nature and purpose of the statute, the resident appellants fall
    well within the zone of interest Congress intended to protect.” (internal quotation
    marks, citations, and alterations omitted)).
    Likewise, the State’s efforts to enroll students and hire faculty members who
    are nationals from the six designated countries fall within the zone of interests of
    the INA. The INA makes clear that a nonimmigrant student may be admitted into
    the United States. See 8 U.S.C. § 1101(a)(15)(F) (identifying students qualified to
    pursue a full course of study); 8 C.F.R. § 214.2(f) (providing the requirements for
    nonimmigrant students, including those in colleges and universities). The INA
    also provides that nonimmigrant scholars and teachers may be admitted into the
    United States. See, e.g., 8 U.S.C. § 1101(a)(15)(J) (identifying students, scholars,
    trainees, teachers, professors, research assistants, specialists, or leaders in fields of
    specialized knowledge or skill); 
    id. § 1101(a)(15)(H)
    (identifying aliens coming to
    perform services in a specialty occupation); 
    id. § 1101(a)(15)(O)
    (identifying
    aliens with extraordinary abilities in the sciences, arts, education, business, or
    athletics). International students and visiting faculty may qualify for F-1 visas, J-1
    26
    visas, H-1B visas, or O-1 visas. See Directory of Visa Categories, U.S. Dep’t of
    State, https://travel.state.gov/content/visas/en/general/all-visa-categories.html (last
    visited June 6, 2017). The INA leaves no doubt that the State’s interests in
    student- and employment-based visa petitions for its students and faculty are
    related to the basic purposes of the INA.
    The State’s interest in effectuating its refugee resettlement policies and
    programs also falls within the zone of interests protected by the INA. See 8 U.S.C.
    § 1101(a)(42) (defining “refugees”); 
    id. § 1157
    (providing the procedure for
    determining the number of refugee admissions). These provisions of the INA were
    amended to provide a “systematic procedure” for the admission of refugees into
    the United States, as well as “uniform provisions for the effective resettlement and
    absorption of those refugees who are admitted.” Refugee Act of 1980, Pub. L. No.
    96-212, § 101, 94 Stat. 102 (1980). The State argues that EO2 upsets this finely-
    tuned system devised by Congress.
    We conclude that Plaintiffs’ claims of injury as a result of the alleged
    statutory violations are, at the least, “arguably within the zone of interests” that the
    INA protects.7 Bank of Am. Corp. v. City of Miami, Fla., 
    137 S. Ct. 1296
    , 1303
    7
    The Government also argues that third party prudential standing limitations
    counsel against this court deciding Plaintiffs’ Establishment Clause claim. To the
    extent this argument applies to Plaintiffs’ INA-based statutory claim, we reject it
    because Plaintiffs have shown that they have suffered injuries as a result of EO2.
    27
    (2017) (quoting Ass’n of Data Processing Serv. Orgs., Inc. v. Camp, 
    397 U.S. 150
    ,
    153 (1970)).
    Plaintiffs have standing to assert their INA-based statutory claim that EO2
    exceeds the scope of the President’s authority under the INA and conflicts with
    various INA provisions.
    B
    The Government next argues that Plaintiffs’ claims are speculative and not
    ripe. “Ripeness is peculiarly a question of timing, designed to prevent the courts,
    through avoidance of premature adjudication, from entangling themselves in
    abstract disagreements.” Stormans, Inc. v. Selecky, 
    586 F.3d 1109
    , 1122 (9th Cir.
    2009) (internal quotations marks and alteration omitted). “Our role is neither to
    issue advisory opinions nor to declare rights in hypothetical cases, but to adjudicate
    live cases or controversies consistent with the powers granted the judiciary in
    Article III of the Constitution.” Thomas v. Anchorage Equal Rights Comm’n, 
    220 F.3d 1134
    , 1138 (9th Cir. 2000).
    We are unpersuaded by the Government’s arguments that until a student or
    faculty member requests a waiver and it is denied, or until Dr. Elshikh’s mother-in-
    law requests a waiver and she is denied,8 Plaintiffs injuries are not ripe because
    8
    The Government needlessly argues that travel conditions in Syria make it
    speculative that Dr. Elshikh’s mother-in-law would have made her application
    28
    they assume “contingent future events that may not occur.” Texas v. United States,
    
    523 U.S. 296
    , 300 (1998) (internal quotation marks omitted)).
    Although the waiver may, in theory, provide students, visiting faculty
    members, or Dr. Elshikh’s mother-in-law an opportunity to obtain visas, the waiver
    is discretionary. Indeed, no one can count on it. The Order poses hardships to
    nationals from the six designated countries by barring throughout the suspension
    period their ability to obtain visas. The waiver provision neither guarantees that
    waivers will be granted nor provides a process for applying for a waiver;
    moreover, the ultimate decision is clearly committed to a consular officer’s
    discretion. See 82 Fed. Reg. at 13214 (“Case-by-case waivers could be
    appropriate in circumstances such as the following . . . .”) (emphasis added); 
    id. at 13219
    (stating that nothing in the Order provides any “enforceable” rights). The
    discretionary waiver is not “a sufficient safety valve,” 
    Washington, 847 F.3d at 1169
    , and is a far cry from the “contingent future” argued by the Government.
    Here, nationals from the six designated countries, including Dr. Elshikh’s mother-
    in-law and students who have accepted, or been offered, admission to the
    University of Hawai‘i, are burdened by EO2 because they are not permitted entry,
    interview scheduled for May 24, 2017. This argument does not diminish Dr.
    Elshikh’s argument that the Order’s suspension of entry of nationals from the six
    designated countries creates a significant obstacle to reuniting his mother-in-law
    with him and his family.
    29
    and whether they might obtain a waiver is speculative and at the discretion of a
    consular officer or a Customs and Border Protection official. See 82 Fed. Reg. at
    13214.
    We decline the Government’s invitation to wait until Plaintiffs identify a
    visa applicant who was denied a discretionary waiver to assess whether Plaintiffs
    have shown a likelihood of success on the merits of their claims. Regardless of
    whether Dr. Elshikh’s mother-in-law or the University’s prospective students and
    faculty members might conceivably obtain such a waiver, they will face substantial
    hardship if we were to first require that they try to obtain a waiver before we will
    consider their case. Cf. Abbott Labs. v. Gardner, 
    387 U.S. 136
    , 149 (1967). We
    conclude that the claim is ripe for review.
    C
    Finally, the Government renews the argument it made before this court in
    Washington v. Trump that we may not review EO2 because the consular
    nonreviewability doctrine counsels that the decision to issue or withhold a visa is
    not subject to judicial review. See Li Hing of Hong Kong, Inc. v. Levin, 
    800 F.2d 970
    , 971 (9th Cir. 1986) (“[I]t has been consistently held that the consular
    official’s decision to issue or withhold a visa is not subject either to administrative
    or judicial review.”). We reject this argument.
    Plaintiffs do not seek review of an individual consular officer’s decision to
    30
    grant or to deny a visa pursuant to valid regulations, which could implicate the
    consular nonreviewability doctrine. Plaintiffs instead challenge “the President’s
    promulgation of sweeping immigration policy.” 
    Washington, 847 F.3d at 1162
    .
    Courts can and do review both constitutional and statutory “challenges to the
    substance and implementation of immigration policy.” 
    Id. at 1163;
    see, e.g., Sale
    v. Haitian Ctrs. Council, Inc., 
    509 U.S. 155
    , 187–88 (1993) (addressing the merits
    of a challenge that an executive order violated the INA and the United Nations
    Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees); INS v. Chadha, 
    462 U.S. 919
    ,
    940–41 (1983) (addressing whether a section of the INA that authorized one House
    of Congress to invalidate a decision of the Executive to allow a deportable alien to
    remain in the United States was unconstitutional).
    This case is justiciable because Plaintiffs seek judicial review of EO2,
    contending that EO2 exceeds the statutory authority delegated by Congress and
    constitutional boundaries. “This is a familiar judicial exercise.” Zivotofsky ex rel.
    Zivotofsky v. Clinton, 
    566 U.S. 189
    , 196 (2012). We reject the Government’s
    argument that the Order is not subject to judicial review. Although “[t]he
    Executive has broad discretion over the admission and exclusion of aliens, [] that
    discretion is not boundless. It extends only as far as the statutory authority
    conferred by Congress and may not transgress constitutional limitations. It is the
    duty of the courts, in cases properly before them, to say where those statutory and
    31
    constitutional boundaries lie.” Abourezk v. Reagan, 
    785 F.2d 1043
    , 1061 (D.C.
    Cir. 1986), aff’d, 
    484 U.S. 1
    (1987).
    Whatever deference we accord to the President’s immigration and national
    security policy judgments does not preclude us from reviewing the policy at all.
    See Rostker v. Goldberg, 
    453 U.S. 57
    , 70 (1981) (“[D]eference does not mean
    abdication.”); Holder v. Humanitarian Law Project, 
    561 U.S. 1
    , 34 (2010) (“Our
    precedents, old and new, make clear that concerns of national security and foreign
    relations do not warrant abdication of the judicial role.”).
    We do not abdicate the judicial role, and we affirm our obligation “to say
    what the law is” in this case. Marbury v. Madison, 
    5 U.S. 137
    , 177 (1803). We
    turn to the merits of the appeal of the preliminary injunction order.
    IV
    A
    A preliminary injunction is “an extraordinary remedy that may only be
    awarded upon a clear showing that the plaintiff is entitled to such relief.” Winter v.
    Nat. Res. Def. Council, Inc., 
    555 U.S. 7
    , 22 (2008). “A plaintiff seeking a
    preliminary injunction must establish [1] that he is likely to succeed on the merits,
    [2] that he is likely to suffer irreparable harm in the absence of preliminary relief,
    [3] that the balance of equities tips in his favor, and [4] that an injunction is in the
    public interest.” 
    Id. at 20.
    We may affirm the district court’s entry of the
    32
    preliminary injunction “on any ground supported by the record.” Enyart v. Nat’l
    Conference of Bar Exam’rs, Inc., 
    630 F.3d 1153
    , 1159 (9th Cir. 2011).
    B
    We consider whether Plaintiffs are entitled to preliminary relief based on the
    likelihood that EO2 violates the INA.9 First, we address whether the President
    complied with the conditions set forth in § 1182(f), which are necessary for
    invoking his authority. We next address the conflicts between EO2 and other
    provisions of the INA.
    1
    Under Article I of the Constitution, the power to make immigration laws “is
    entrusted exclusively to Congress.” Galvan v. Press, 
    347 U.S. 522
    , 531 (1954);
    see U.S. Const. art. I, § 8, cl. 4 (“The Congress shall have Power . . . [t]o establish
    an uniform Rule of Naturalization . . . .”); Fiallo v. Bell, 
    430 U.S. 787
    , 792 (1977)
    (“[O]ver no conceivable subject is the legislative power of Congress more
    9
    This claim looks at whether the President appropriately exercised his authority
    under § 1182(f) by satisfying its precondition, and whether, and to what extent, his
    authority under § 1182(f) is cabined by other provisions of the INA. Because this
    challenge does not look at whether “the Executive exercises this [delegated and
    conditional exercise of] power negatively,” 
    Mandel, 408 U.S. at 770
    (emphasis
    added), nor involves a constitutional challenge by a citizen to a visa denial on the
    basis of congressionally enumerated standards, 
    id. at 769–70,
    but rather looks at
    whether the President exceeded the scope of his delegated authority, we do not
    apply Mandel’s “facially legitimate and bona fide reason,” 
    id., standard. See
    Sale,
    509 U.S. at 166
    –77 (reviewing whether the executive order complied with the INA
    without reference to Mandel’s standard).
    33
    complete than it is over the admission of aliens.” (internal quotation marks
    omitted)); 
    id. at 796
    (“The conditions of entry for every alien, the particular classes
    of aliens that shall be denied entry altogether, the basis for determining such
    classification . . . have been recognized as matters solely for the responsibility of
    the Congress . . . .” (internal quotation marks omitted)).
    In the INA of 1952, Congress delegated some of its power to the President
    through Section 212(f), which provides:
    Whenever the President finds that the entry of any aliens or of any class
    of aliens into the United States would be detrimental to the interests of
    the United States, he may by proclamation, and for such period as he
    shall deem necessary, suspend the entry of all aliens or any class of
    aliens as immigrants or nonimmigrants, or impose on the entry of aliens
    any restrictions he may deem to be appropriate.
    8 U.S.C. § 1182(f).
    In Section 2(c) of the Order, the President invokes this power along with
    § 1185(a)10 to suspend for 90 days the entry of nationals from the six designated
    10
    Section 1185(a)(1) states:
    Unless otherwise ordered by the President, it shall be unlawful—
    (1) for any alien to depart from or enter or attempt to depart from or
    enter the United States except under such reasonable rules, regulations,
    and orders, and subject to such limitations and exceptions as the
    President may prescribe[.]
    8 U.S.C. § 1185(a)(1). The Government does not argue that § 1185(a)(1) provides
    an independent basis for the suspension of entry. Because, here, this section does
    not grant the President a meaningfully different authority than § 1182(f), and
    34
    countries. See 82 Fed. Reg. at 13213. In Section 6(a) of the Order, the President
    invokes neither section to suspend travel of refugees and to suspend decisions on
    applications for refugee status for 120 days, but, in Section 6(b), the President
    invokes § 1182(f) to cap refugee admissions at 50,000 for the 2017 fiscal year. 
    Id. at 13215–16.
    The parties dispute whether EO2 falls clearly within the President’s
    congressionally delegated authority. To be sure, § 1182(f) gives the President
    broad authority to suspend the entry of aliens or classes of aliens. However, this
    authority is not unlimited. Cf. Kent v. Dulles, 
    357 U.S. 116
    , 129 (1958) (“[I]f that
    power is delegated, the standards must be adequate to pass scrutiny by the accepted
    tests.”); J.W. Hampton, Jr., & Co. v. United States, 
    276 U.S. 394
    , 409 (1928)
    (“[L]egislative action is not a forbidden delegation of legislative power” if
    Congress provides an “intelligible principle to which the person or body
    authorized . . . is directed to conform.”). Section 1182(f) requires that the
    President find that the entry of a class of aliens into the United States would be
    detrimental to the interests of the United States.11 This section requires that the
    because § 1182(f) specifically provides for the President’s authority to suspend
    entry, our analysis proceeds under § 1182(f), understanding that the “reasonable
    rules, regulations, and orders” the President prescribes would need to, at a
    minimum, align with the President’s authority under § 1182(f).
    11
    We construe the term “detrimental” to have its common-sense, dictionary
    definition. Detrimental is defined as “causing loss or damage; harmful, injurious,
    35
    President’s findings support the conclusion that entry of all nationals from the six
    designated countries, all refugees, and refugees in excess of 50,000 would be
    harmful to the national interest. There is no sufficient finding in EO2 that the entry
    of the excluded classes would be detrimental to the interests of the United States.
    i
    Section 2(c) declares that “the unrestricted entry into the United States of
    nationals of Iran, Libya, Somalia, Sudan, Syria, and Yemen would be detrimental
    to the interests of the United States” and directs that the entry of nationals from
    those designated countries be barred for 90 days. 82 Fed. Reg. at 13213. The
    provision bans more than 180 million people from entry based on their national
    origin, including nationals who may have never been physically present in those
    countries. See Brief of Former National Security Officials as Amici Curiae, Dkt.
    No. 108 at 17. Section 2(c) states:
    [1] To temporarily reduce investigative burdens on relevant agencies
    during the review period [of the United States’ vetting procedures], [2]
    to ensure the proper review and maximum utilization of available
    resources for the screening and vetting of foreign nationals, [3] to
    ensure that adequate standards are established to prevent infiltration by
    foreign terrorists, and [4] in light of the national security concerns
    referenced in section 1 of this order, I hereby proclaim, pursuant to
    sections 212(f) and 215(a) of the INA, 8 U.S.C. [§§] 1182(f) and
    1185(a), that the unrestricted entry into the United States of nationals
    hurtful.” Detrimental, Oxford English Dictionary,
    http://www.oed.com/view/Entry/51332?redirectedFrom=detrimental#eid.
    Throughout the opinion, in addition to the term “detrimental,” we also use its
    synonyms “harmful” and “injurious.”
    36
    of Iran, Libya, Somalia, Sudan, Syria, and Yemen would be detrimental
    to the interests of the United States. I therefore direct that the entry into
    the United States of nationals of those six countries be suspended.
    82 Fed. Reg. at 13213. The Government explains that the Order’s objective “is to
    address the risk that potential terrorists might exploit possible weaknesses in the
    Nation’s screening and vetting procedures while the review of those procedures is
    underway.”
    We reject the first three reasons provided in Section 2(c) because they relate
    to preservation of government resources to review existing procedures and ensure
    adequate vetting procedures. There is no finding that present vetting standards are
    inadequate, and no finding that absent the improved vetting procedures there likely
    will be harm to our national interests. These identified reasons do not support the
    conclusion that the entry of nationals from the six designated countries would be
    harmful to our national interests.
    We turn to the fourth reason—national security concerns—and examine
    whether it confers a legally sufficient basis for the President’s conclusion that the
    nationality-based entry restriction is warranted. Section 1(d) of the Order explains
    that nationals from Iran, Libya, Somalia, Sudan, Syria, and Yemen warrant
    additional scrutiny because:
    Each of these countries is a state sponsor of terrorism, has been
    significantly compromised by terrorist organizations, or contains active
    conflict zones. Any of these circumstances diminishes the foreign
    government’s willingness or ability to share or validate important
    37
    information about individuals seeking to travel to the United States.
    Moreover, the significant presence in each of these countries of terrorist
    organizations, their members, and others exposed to those
    organizations increases the chance that conditions will be exploited to
    enable terrorist operatives or sympathizers to travel to the United States.
    Finally, once foreign nationals from these countries are admitted to the
    United States, it is often difficult to remove them, because many of
    these countries typically delay issuing, or refuse to issue, travel
    documents.
    
    Id. at 13210
    (emphasis added).
    Because of these country conditions, the Order concludes that “the risk of
    erroneously permitting entry of a national of one of these countries who intends to
    commit terrorist acts or otherwise harm the national security of the United States is
    unacceptably high.” 
    Id. at 13211.
    The Order further indicates that “hundreds of
    persons born abroad have been convicted of terrorism-related crimes in the United
    States[,]” but does not identify the number of nationals from the six designated
    countries who have been so convicted.12 See 
    id. at 13212.
    The Order makes no finding that nationality alone renders entry of this broad
    class of individuals a heightened security risk to the United States. See Int’l
    12
    Amicus Cato Institute explains that over the past decade and a half, only twenty-
    six nationals from the six designated countries have been convicted for any kind of
    terrorism offense, and that only four nationals from the six designated countries
    have been convicted of attempting or plotting a terrorist attack in the United States
    in that time frame. Brief of the Cato Institute as Amicus Curiae, Dkt. No. 170 at
    11–12. Since the September 11, 2001 attacks, twelve people have succeeded in
    carrying out fatal domestic terrorist attacks—none committed by nationals from
    the six designated countries in EO2. See Brief of Foundation of Children of Iran
    and Iranian Alliance Across Borders as Amici Curiae, Dkt. No. 77 at 23.
    38
    Refugee Assistance Project, 
    2017 WL 2273306
    , at *31 (Keenan, J., concurring in
    part and concurring in the judgment) (“[T]he Second Executive Order does not
    state that any nationals of the six identified countries, by virtue of their nationality,
    intend to commit terrorist acts in the United States or otherwise pose a detriment to
    the interests of the United States.”).
    The Order does not tie these nationals in any way to terrorist organizations
    within the six designated countries. It does not identify these nationals as
    contributors to active conflict or as those responsible for insecure country
    conditions. It does not provide any link between an individual’s nationality and
    their propensity to commit terrorism or their inherent dangerousness.13 In short,
    13
    Former Presidents have invoked § 1182(f) under non-exigent circumstances to
    address compromised security conditions abroad but have tied exclusions to the
    culpable conduct of barred aliens, such as aliens who contributed to a country’s
    situation in a specified way or were members of particular narrowly defined and/or
    dangerous groups. See Kate M. Manuel, Executive Authority to Exclude Aliens: In
    Brief 6–10, Congressional Research Service (2017) (listing categories of aliens
    excluded under 8 U.S.C. § 1182(f)); see also 9 Foreign Affairs Manual § 302.14-
    3(B)(1)(b) (2016), https://fam.state.gov/FAM/09FAM/09FAM030214.html (stating
    that executive orders issued under § 1182(f) have typically applied to
    “individuals”; have sometimes been “based on affiliation”; and otherwise have
    suspended entry “based on objectionable conduct”); Brief of Former Federal
    Immigration and Homeland Security Officials as Amici Curiae, Dkt. No. 176 at
    18–19 (“None of the Executive actions cited elsewhere by the Government, nor
    any others known to amici, invoked § 1182(f) to suspend entry from one or more
    countries based on the assumption that nationals from those countries were
    inherently dangerous.” (footnotes omitted)). President Obama’s Executive Order
    13726, for example, suspended the entry into the United States of persons who
    39
    the Order does not provide a rationale explaining why permitting entry of nationals
    from the six designated countries under current protocols would be detrimental to
    the interests of the United States.14
    were responsible or complicit in particular actions or policies that threaten the
    stability of Libya. See 81 Fed. Reg. 23559 (Apr. 19, 2016).
    In two instances, former Presidents have distinguished classes of aliens on the
    basis of nationality. But these distinctions were made not because of a particular
    concern that entry of the individuals themselves would be detrimental, but rather,
    as retaliatory diplomatic measures responsive to government conduct directed at
    the United States. For example, President Carter’s proclamation barring the future
    entry of Iranians occurred during the exigent circumstance of the Iranian hostage
    crisis. This was one of many sanctions imposed to increase political pressure on
    the Iranian government to ensure the safe return of American hostages. See Exec.
    Order 12172, 44 Fed. Reg. 67947 (Nov. 26, 1979), amended by Exec. Order
    12206, 45 Fed. Reg. 24101 (Apr. 7, 1980); President Jimmy Carter, Sanctions
    Against Iran Remarks Announcing U.S. Actions, The American Presidency Project
    (Apr. 7, 1980), http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/?pid=33233%20. President
    Reagan’s suspension of entry of certain Cuban nationals as immigrants came as a
    response to the Cuban government’s own suspension of “all types of procedures
    regarding the execution” of an immigration agreement between the United States
    and Cuba, which had “disrupt[ed] normal migration procedures between the two
    countries.” See Proclamation No. 5517, 51 Fed. Reg. 30470 (Aug. 22, 1986).
    14
    Indeed, the President recently confirmed his assessment that it is the “countries”
    that are inherently dangerous, rather than the 180 million individual nationals of
    those countries who are barred from entry under the President’s “travel ban.” See
    Donald J. Trump (@realDonaldTrump), Twitter (June 5, 2017, 6:20 PM),
    https://twitter.com/realDonaldTrump/status/871899511525961728 (“That’s right,
    we need a TRAVEL BAN for certain DANGEROUS countries, not some
    politically correct term that won’t help us protect our people!”) (emphasis in
    original); see also Elizabeth Landers, White House: Trump’s tweets are “official
    statements”, CNN (June 6, 2017, 4:37 PM),
    http://www.cnn.com/2017/06/06/politics/trump-tweets-official-statements/
    (reporting the White House Press Secretary’s confirmation that the President’s
    tweets are “considered official statements by the President of the United States”).
    40
    The Order’s discussion of country conditions fails to bridge the gap. Indeed,
    its use of nationality as the sole basis for suspending entry means that nationals
    without significant ties to the six designated countries, such as those who left as
    children or those whose nationality is based on parentage alone, should be
    suspended from entry. Yet, nationals of other countries who do have meaningful
    ties to the six designated countries—and may be contributing to the very country
    conditions discussed—fall outside the scope of Section 2(c). Consequently, EO2’s
    focus on nationality “could have the paradoxical effect of barring entry by a Syrian
    national who has lived in Switzerland for decades, but not a Swiss national who
    has immigrated to Syria during its civil war.” Hawai‘i TRO, 
    2017 WL 1011673
    , at
    *15 (internal quotation marks and alterations omitted); see also Brief of the Cato
    Institute as Amicus Curiae, Dkt. No. 170 at 14–15 (providing statistics on nationals
    of the designated countries living in other countries as migrants, refugees, or
    asylum seekers and explaining that Syrian and Iranian nationals do not gain
    nationality by virtue of their place of birth).
    Although the Order explains that country conditions in the six designated
    countries lessen their governments’ ability to share information about nationals
    seeking to travel to our country, the Order specifically avoids making any finding
    We take judicial notice of President Trump’s statement as the veracity of this
    statement “can be accurately and readily determined from sources whose accuracy
    cannot reasonably be questioned.” Fed. R. Evid. 201(b)(2).
    41
    that the current screening processes are inadequate. As the law stands, a visa
    applicant bears the burden of showing that the applicant is eligible to receive a visa
    or other document for entry and is not inadmissible. See 8 U.S.C. § 1361. The
    Government already can exclude individuals who do not meet that burden. See 
    id. The Order
    offers no further reason explaining how this individualized adjudication
    process is flawed such that permitting entry of an entire class of nationals is
    injurious to the interests of the United States.
    Finally, the Order relies on 8 U.S.C. § 1187(a)(12) to explain why the six
    countries have been designated. 82 Fed. Reg. at 13210. In § 1187(a)(12),
    Congress prevented use of the Visa Waiver Program by dual nationals of, or those
    who have visited in the last six years, (1) Iraq and Syria, (2) any country
    designated by the Secretary of State as a state sponsor of terrorism, and (3) any
    other country designated as a country of concern by the Secretary of Homeland
    Security, in consultation with the Secretary of State and the Director of National
    Intelligence. Rather than setting an outright ban on entry of nationals from these
    countries, Congress restricted access to the tourist Visa Waiver Program and
    instead required that persons who are nationals of or have recently traveled to these
    countries enter the United States with a visa. This provision reflects Congress’s
    considered view on similar security concerns that the Order seeks to address. See
    
    Chadha, 462 U.S. at 951
    , 959 (explaining that our founders “consciously” chose to
    42
    place the legislative process in the hands of a “deliberate and deliberative” body).
    The Order identifies no new information to justify Section 2(c)’s blanket ban as
    contrasted with § 1187(a)(12)’s restriction from the Visa Waiver Program.
    Moreover, relying on § 1187(a)(12) alone, which requires that aliens from these
    countries undergo vetting through visa procedures, does not explain why their
    entry would be detrimental to the interests of the United States. To the contrary, it
    effectively negates the Order’s statement of detriment—that the “unrestricted entry
    into the United States of nationals [of the six designated countries] would be
    detrimental to the interests of the United States.” 82 Fed. Reg. at 13213 (emphasis
    added). Section 1187(a)(12) dictates that the entry of individuals covered by the
    Order is never “unrestricted.”
    In conclusion, the Order does not offer a sufficient justification to suspend
    the entry of more than 180 million people on the basis of nationality. National
    security is not a “talismanic incantation” that, once invoked, can support any and
    all exercise of executive power under § 1182(f). United States v. Robel, 
    389 U.S. 258
    , 263–64 (1967); see also Korematsu v. United States, 
    323 U.S. 214
    , 235
    (1944) (Murphy, J., dissenting) (“[T]he exclusion order necessarily must rely for
    its reasonableness upon the assumption that all persons of Japanese ancestry may
    have a dangerous tendency to commit sabotage and espionage and to aid our
    Japanese enemy in other ways. It is difficult to believe that reason, logic or
    43
    experience could be marshalled in support of such an assumption.”). Section
    1182(f) requires that the President exercise his authority only after meeting the
    precondition of finding that entry of an alien or class of aliens would be
    detrimental to the interests of the United States. Here, the President has not done
    so.
    ii
    Section 6(a) suspends travel of refugees into the United States under USRAP
    and suspends decisions on applications for refugee status for 120 days but does not
    specifically announce that the entry of refugees would be detrimental to the
    interests of the United States. 82 Fed. Reg. at 13215.
    Assuming the President also relied on § 1182(f) to suspend USRAP for 120
    days, EO2 provides the following information to possibly support the conclusion
    that refugee admissions would injure the national interest. First, EO2 explains that
    the screening and vetting procedures associated with USRAP “play a crucial role
    in detecting foreign nationals who may commit, aid, or support acts of terrorism
    and in preventing those individuals from entering the United States,” and that it is
    the policy of the United States to improve screening and vetting procedures
    associated with USRAP. 
    Id. at 13209.
    Section 1(h) cites two examples of refugees
    who have been convicted of terrorism-related crimes in the United States:
    [1] [I]n January 2013, two Iraqi nationals admitted to the United
    States as refugees in 2009 were sentenced to 40 years and to life in
    44
    prison, respectively, for multiple terrorism-related offenses.[15]
    [2] [I]n October 2014, a native of Somalia who had been brought to
    the United States as a child refugee and later became a naturalized
    United States citizen was sentenced to 30 years in prison for
    attempting to use a weapon of mass destruction . . . .[16]
    82 Fed. Reg. at 13212. Section 1(h) also explains that there are “more than 300
    persons who entered the United States as refugees [who] are currently the subjects
    of counterterrorism investigations by the Federal Bureau of Investigation.” 
    Id. EO2 does
    not reveal any threat or harm to warrant suspension of USRAP for
    120 days and does not support the conclusion that the entry of refugees in the
    interim time period would be harmful. Nor does it provide any indication that
    present vetting and screening procedures are inadequate.17 Instead, EO2 justifies
    15
    These two Iraqi nationals pleaded guilty to federal terrorism charges for
    engaging in terrorism against Americans overseas and providing material support
    to foreign terrorists and did not face charges for planning a domestic terrorist
    attack. See Press Release: Former Iraqi Terrorists Living in Kentucky Sentenced
    for Terrorist Activities, U.S. Dep’t of Justice,
    https://www.justice.gov/opa/pr/former-iraqi-terrorists-living-kentucky-sentenced-
    terrorist-activities (Jan. 29, 2013) (last visited June 6, 2017).
    16
    This Somali national entered the United States at the age of three in
    approximately 1994; the conduct underlying his conviction occurred in 2010 when
    he was nineteen years old. See United States v. Mohamud, 
    843 F.3d 420
    , 423 (9th
    Cir. 2016). His background is consistent with DHS’s report that most foreign-
    born, U.S.-based violent extremists are “likely radicalized several years after their
    entry to the United States,” thus “limiting the ability of screening and vetting
    officials to prevent their entry because of national security concerns” (emphasis
    added).
    17
    Refugees receive the most thorough vetting of all travelers to the United States
    in a process that takes eighteen to twenty-four months. By the time refugees are
    approved for resettlement in the United States, they have been reviewed by the
    45
    the 120-day suspension as a review period of USRAP application and adjudication
    processes. 82 Fed. Reg. at 13215. The Government reiterates that the President
    directed the suspension “in order to allow the Secretary of State to review
    application and adjudication processes.” These explanations do not support a
    finding that the travel and admission of refugees would be detrimental to the
    interests of the United States.
    iii
    Section 6(b) of EO2 restricts entry of refugees to no more than 50,000 in the
    2017 fiscal year because entry in excess of 50,000 “would be detrimental to the
    interests of the United States.” 82 Fed. Reg. at 13216. But in accordance with 8
    U.S.C. § 1157, President Obama previously determined that the admission of
    110,000 refugees to the United States during fiscal year 2017 was justified by
    humanitarian concerns or otherwise in the national interest. See Presidential
    Determination on Refugee Admissions for Fiscal Year 2017, Presidential
    Determination No. 2016-13, 81 Fed. Reg. 70315 (Sept. 28, 2016); see also
    Proposed Refugee Admissions for Fiscal Year 2017: Report to the Congress,
    United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, the National Counterterrorism
    Center, the Federal Bureau of Investigation, the Department of Homeland Security,
    the Department of Defense, the Department of State, and the U.S. intelligence
    community. See Brief of Former National Security Officials as Amici Curiae, Dkt.
    No. 108 at 14–16.
    46
    https://www.state.gov/documents/organization/262168.pdf.18
    To the extent that 60,000 additional refugees can be considered a class of
    aliens, EO2 makes no findings to justify barring entry in excess of 50,000 as
    detrimental to the interests of the United States. EO2 gives no explanation for why
    the 50,001st to the 110,000th refugee would be harmful to the national interest, nor
    does it specify any further threat to national security. And there is not any
    rationale explaining why the previous target admission of 110,000 refugees this
    fiscal year was justified by humanitarian concerns or otherwise in the national
    interest, see 8 U.S.C. § 1157(a)(2), but that the entry of more than 50,000 refugees
    this same fiscal year would be detrimental to the national interest. Here too, the
    President did not meet the statutory precondition of exercising his authority under
    § 1182(f) to cap refugee admissions.
    The actions taken in Sections 2 and 6 require the President first to make
    sufficient findings that the entry of nationals from the six designated countries and
    the entry of all refugees would be detrimental to the interests of the United States.
    We conclude that the President did not satisfy this precondition before exercising
    his delegated authority. Plaintiffs have shown a likelihood of success on the merits
    18
    As of May 31, 2017, the United States has admitted 46,403 refugees in the 2017
    fiscal year. U.S. Dep’t of State, Bureau of Population, Refugees, and Migration,
    Refugee Admissions Report (2017), http://www.wrapsnet.org/admissions-and-
    arrivals (last visited June 6, 2017).
    47
    of their claim that the President exceeded his authority under §§ 1182(f) and
    1185(a).
    2
    Plaintiffs contend that Section 2(c) of the Order violates the INA because it
    discriminates on the basis of nationality, thus violating the non-discrimination
    mandate of § 1152(a)(1)(A) of the INA. They argue that although the President is
    given broad authority under § 1182(f), this authority is restrained by
    § 1152(a)(1)(A).
    Contemporaneous to enacting the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting
    Rights Act of 1965, Congress passed the INA of 1965 to eliminate the “national
    origins system as the basis for the selection of immigrants to the United States.”
    H.R. Rep. No. 89-745, at 8 (1965). Section 1152(a)(1)(A) was enacted as part of
    that act, and provides:
    [N]o person shall receive any preference or priority or be discriminated
    against in the issuance of an immigrant visa because of the person’s
    race, sex, nationality, place of birth, or place of residence.
    8 U.S.C. § 1152(a)(1)(A) (emphasis added). Section 1152(a)(1)(A) contains
    specific exemptions, and § 1182(f) is not among them.
    The Government tries to reconcile the Order’s Section 2(c) with
    § 1152(a)(1)(A) by arguing that Section 2(c) bars entry of nationals from the six
    designated countries but does not deny the issuance of immigrant visas based on
    48
    nationality. EO2’s suspension of entry on the basis of nationality, however, in
    substance operates as a ban on visa issuance on the basis of nationality. The
    Order’s text confirms as much. Its primary purpose is to evaluate screening and
    vetting procedures associated with the visa issuance process. 82 Fed. Reg. at
    13209. EO2 affects nationals of the six designated countries who were outside of
    the United States on the effective date of the Order but did not have a valid visa at
    specific times, such as the effective date of EO1. 82 Fed. Reg. at 13213. Further,
    it provides for a waiver so consular officers or Customs and Border Protection
    officials may authorize the issuance of visas during the suspension period. 
    Id. at 13214.
    The Government also stresses that it should not be required to issue visas
    for aliens who are validly barred from entry, explaining that “[r]equiring that such
    aliens be issued visas permitting them to travel to this country, only to be denied
    entry upon arrival, would create needless difficulties and confusion.” Indeed, the
    Government clarified at oral argument that as a practical matter, the entry ban
    would be implemented through visa denials. Moreover, the statute makes clear
    that aliens deemed inadmissible under § 1182, including under § 1182(f) “are
    ineligible to receive visas,” thus confirming the substantial overlap between a
    denial of entry under § 1182(f) and a visa denial. See 8 U.S.C. § 1182(a); see also
    Int’l Refugee Assistance Project, 
    2017 WL 2273306
    , at *52 (Thacker, J.,
    concurring) (explaining that the Government’s “own arguments and the text and
    49
    operation of [EO2] belie [the] notion” that the visa issuance process is a different
    activity than suspension of entry).
    We cannot blind ourselves to the fact that, for nationals of the six designated
    countries, EO2 is effectively a ban on the issuance of immigrant visas. If allowed
    to stand, EO2 would bar issuance of visas based on nationality in violation of
    § 1152(a)(1)(A). The Government did not dispute this point at oral argument, and
    it stands to reason that the whole system of the visa issuance would grind to a halt
    for nationals of the six designated countries whose entry is barred from the United
    States. Issuance of visas will automatically stop for those who are banned based
    on nationality. Yet Congress could not have used “more explicit language” in
    “unambiguously direct[ing] that no nationality-based discrimination shall occur.”
    Legal Assistance for Vietnamese Asylum 
    Seekers, 45 F.3d at 473
    .
    The Government additionally argues that § 1152(a)(1)(A) does not displace
    the President’s preexisting authority under § 1182(f), because the President may
    validly bar entry and the non-discrimination mandate applies strictly to the
    issuance of visas. Based on the plain statutory text, the Government contends that
    the non-discrimination mandate of § 1152(a)(1)(A) does not reach the President’s
    suspension of entry under § 1182(f).
    This argument, however, presents a clear conflict between § 1152(a)(1)(A)
    and § 1182, because it would enable the President to restore discrimination on the
    50
    basis of nationality that Congress sought to eliminate. It is our duty, if possible, to
    reconcile the President’s statutory authority under § 1182(f) with the non-
    discrimination mandate of § 1152(a)(1)(A). We begin with the instruction that “all
    parts of a statute, if at all possible, are to be given effect.” Weinberger v. Hyson,
    Westcott & Dunning, Inc., 
    412 U.S. 609
    , 633 (1973); accord Food & Drug Admin.
    v. Brown & Williamson Tobacco Corp., 
    529 U.S. 120
    , 133 (2000) (“A court
    must . . . fit, if possible, all parts into an harmonious whole.” (internal citation and
    quotation marks omitted)). We also look “to the design of the statute as a whole
    and to its object and policy.” Gozlon-Peretz v. United States, 
    498 U.S. 395
    , 407
    (1991) (quoting Crandon v. United States, 
    494 U.S. 152
    , 158 (1990)).
    Under the Government’s argument, the President could circumvent the
    limitations set by § 1152(a)(1)(A) by permitting the issuance of visas to nationals
    of the six designated countries, but then deny them entry. Congress could not have
    intended to permit the President to flout § 1152(a) so easily. See Dada v. Mukasey,
    
    554 U.S. 1
    , 16 (2008) (courts should not read statutes in such a way that renders
    them a “nullity” or is “unsustainable”).
    To avoid this result, and to give effect to § 1152(a)(1)(A), the section “is
    best read to prohibit discrimination throughout the visa process, which must
    include the decision whether to admit a visa holder upon presenting the visa.”
    Brief of Former Immigration and Homeland Security Officials as Amici Curiae,
    51
    Dkt. No. 176 at 9. In prohibiting nationality-based discrimination in the issuance
    of immigrant visas, Congress also in effect prohibited nationality-based
    discrimination in the admission of aliens. “Congress could not have intended to
    prohibit discrimination at the embassy, but permit it at the airport gate.” Brief of
    Technology Companies as Amici Curiae, Dkt. No. 180 at 20. We do not suggest
    that visa holders must gain automatic entry into the United States, but rather, that
    visa holders cannot be discriminated against on the basis of “race, sex, nationality,
    place of birth, or place of residence” throughout the visa process, whether during
    the issuance of a visa or at the port of entry.19
    Our conclusion that § 1152(a)(1)(A)’s non-discrimination mandate cabins
    the President’s authority under § 1182(f) is reinforced by other canons of statutory
    construction.
    First, a later enacted, more specific statute generally governs over an earlier,
    more general one. See Antonin Scalia & Bryan A. Garner, Reading Law: The
    Interpretation of Legal Texts 183–87 (2012). Here, § 1152(a)(1)(A) was enacted
    in 1965, after § 1182(f) was enacted in 1952. Section 1152(a)(1)(A) is also more
    19
    While a foreign national may properly obtain a visa, this does not guarantee
    entry into the United States because they may otherwise be inadmissible. See 8
    U.S.C. § 1201(h) (“Nothing in this chapter shall be construed to entitle any alien,
    to whom a visa or other documentation has been issued, to be admitted to the
    United States.”); see also 8 U.S.C. § 1182 (listing the myriad ways an alien can be
    deemed inadmissible).
    52
    specific, and sets a limitation on the President’s broad authority to exclude aliens—
    he may do so, but not in a way that discriminates based on nationality. See
    RadLAX Gateway Hotel, LLC v. Amalgamated Bank, 
    132 S. Ct. 2065
    , 2071 (2012)
    (“The general/specific canon is perhaps most frequently applied to statutes in
    which a general permission or prohibition is contradicted by a specific prohibition
    or permission. To eliminate the contradiction, the specific provision is construed
    as an exception to the general one.”).
    Second, § 1152(a)(1)(A) specifically identifies exemptions from the non-
    discrimination mandate, implying that unmentioned sections are not exempted.
    See United Dominion Indus., Inc. v. United States, 
    532 U.S. 822
    , 836 (2001) (“The
    logic that invests the omission with significance is familiar: the mention of some
    implies the exclusion of others not mentioned.”). Section 1152(a)(1)(A) explicitly
    exempts three different INA provisions from its application—8 U.S.C.
    §§ 1101(a)(27), 1151(b)(2)(A)(i), and 1153—all of which deal with giving
    preference to certain immigrants, such as family members of current citizens and
    permanent residents. Had Congress likewise intended to permit § 1182(f) to
    override § 1152(a)(1)(A)’s non-discrimination requirement, it would have done so
    in the same way it did for the other provisions.
    The Government contends that §§ 1182(f) and 1185(a)(1) “have long been
    understood to permit the president to draw nationality-based distinctions.”
    53
    However, as discussed above, supra note 13, prior executive orders and
    proclamations did not suspend classes of aliens on the basis of national origin, but
    instead on the basis of affiliation or culpable conduct. See Kate M. Manuel,
    Executive Authority to Exclude Aliens: In Brief 6–10, Congressional Research
    Service (2017). The other instances cited by the Government are distinguishable.
    The executive order at issue in Sale v. Haitian Centers Council, Inc., 
    509 U.S. 155
    (1993), made no nationality-based distinctions and concerned “suspend[ing] the
    entry of aliens coming by sea to the United States without necessary
    documentation.” Exec. Order No. 12807, 57 Fed. Reg. 23133 (May 24, 1992).
    President Carter’s executive orders in response to the Iranian hostage crisis
    delegated authority to the Secretary of State and the Attorney General to prescribe
    limitations governing the entry of Iranian nationals and did not ban Iranian
    immigrants outright. See Exec. Order 12172, 44 Fed. Reg. 67947 (Nov. 26, 1979),
    amended by Exec. Order 12206, 45 Fed. Reg. 24101 (Apr. 7, 1980). Finally,
    President Reagan’s Proclamation 5517 suspended the entry of Cuban nationals
    coming as immigrants, with some exceptions. 51 Fed. Reg. 30470 (Aug. 22,
    1986). The proclamation did not exclude all foreign nationals, as exceptions were
    provided, and the proclamation was in response to Cuba’s decision “‘to suspend all
    types of procedures regarding the execution’ of the December 14, 1984,
    54
    immigration agreement between the United States and Cuba.”20 
    Id. To be
    clear,
    Presidents have invoked §§ 1182(f) and 1185(a)(1) to restrict certain aliens or
    classes of aliens from entering the United States, but EO2 is unprecedented in its
    scope, purpose, and breadth.
    The Government also argues that the President may engage in discrimination
    on the basis of nationality because of the exception provided in § 1152(a)(1)(B).
    Section 1152(a)(1)(B) provides, “[n]othing in [§ 1152(a)(1)(A)] shall be construed
    to limit the authority of the Secretary of State to determine the procedures for the
    processing of immigrant visa applications or the locations where such applications
    will be processed.” However, this provision governs the Secretary of State’s
    manner and place for processing applications, not the President’s asserted ability to
    deny immigrant visas on the basis of nationality.
    Having considered the President’s authority under § 1182(f) and the non-
    discrimination mandate of § 1152(a)(1)(A), we also conclude that Plaintiffs have
    shown a likelihood of success on the merits of their claim that Section 2(c) of the
    Order, in suspending the issuance of immigrant visas and denying entry based on
    nationality, exceeds the restriction of § 1152(a)(1)(A) and the overall statutory
    20
    Because these executive actions were not challenged as violations of § 1182(f)
    or § 1152(a)(1)(A), “the judiciary [has not] address[ed] whether the order[s]
    complied with those provisions or the Constitution.” Int’l Refugee Assistance
    Project, 
    2017 WL 2273306
    , at *45 n.11 (Wynn, J., concurring).
    55
    scheme intended by Congress.
    3
    Aside from the President’s failure to make the requisite findings to justify
    reducing the entry of refugees in fiscal year 2017 as an exercise of authority under
    § 1182(f), Plaintiffs contend that 8 U.S.C. § 1157 circumscribes the President’s
    actions in setting the number of refugees to be admitted this fiscal year. We agree.
    The Refugee Act of 1980 amended the INA “to provide a permanent and
    systematic procedure for the admission to this country of refugees of special
    humanitarian concern to the United States, and to provide comprehensive and
    uniform provisions for the effective resettlement and absorption of those refugees
    who are admitted.” Pub. L. No. 96-212, § 101, 94 Stat. 102 (1980).
    The Act requires that the President, after consulting with Congress, set the
    annual admission of refugees before the beginning of every fiscal year:
    [T]he number of refugees who may be admitted under this section in
    any fiscal year . . . shall be such number as the President determines,
    before the beginning of the fiscal year and after appropriate
    consultation, is justified by humanitarian concerns or is otherwise in the
    national interest.
    8 U.S.C. § 1157(a)(2). “Appropriate consultation” is defined as “discussions in
    person by designated Cabinet-level representatives of the President with members
    of the Committees on the Judiciary of the Senate and of the House of
    Representatives.” 
    Id. § 1157(e).
    After undergoing this process in 2016, President
    56
    Obama determined that the admission of 110,000 refugees to the United States
    during fiscal year 2017 was justified by humanitarian concerns or otherwise in the
    national interest. See 81 Fed. Reg. at 70315. Section 6(b) of EO2 reduced the
    refugee admission cap for the same year to 50,000. See 82 Fed. Reg. at 13216.
    The statute requires the President to set the number of annual refugee
    admissions (1) before the start of the new fiscal year, and (2) after appropriate
    consultation with Congress. The Government responds that § 1157 only refers to a
    ceiling—not the floor—for the number of refugees who may be admitted, and that
    §§ 1182(f) and 1185(a)(1) permit the President to lower the number of refugees
    permitted to enter.
    We disagree. This interpretation reads out the language that the number of
    refugees who may be admitted shall be the number determined by the President.
    See 8 U.S.C. § 1157(a)(2). The Government’s argument would require us to
    conclude that Congress set forth very specific requirements for the President to
    provide the number and allocation of the refugees to be admitted as justified by
    humanitarian concerns or the national interest, after appropriate consultation, only
    to permit the President to order a midyear reduction in the level of refugee
    admissions, and to do so without consulting Congress. Section 1157 contemplates
    that the President, after consultation with Congress, may increase the number of
    refugees admitted in the middle of the fiscal year, but does not provide a
    57
    mechanism for the President to decrease the number of refugees to be admitted
    mid-year. See 
    id. § 1157
    (b) (describing how, after appropriate consultation, the
    President may fix a number of additional refugees to be admitted to the United
    States).
    Well-settled interpretive canons further explain why § 1182(f) does not give
    the President authority to override the requirements of § 1157. First, applying the
    “later in time” canon, § 1182(f) was adopted in 1952, and § 1157 was adopted in
    1980, indicating that this subsequent statute shapes the scope of the President’s
    authority. See Brown & Williamson Tobacco 
    Corp., 529 U.S. at 143
    (“The ‘classic
    judicial task of reconciling many laws enacted over time, and getting them to
    ‘make sense’ in combination, necessarily assumes that the implications of a statute
    may be altered by the implications of a later statute.’” (quoting United States v.
    Fausto, 
    484 U.S. 439
    , 453 (1988))).
    Second, § 1157, the more specific provision, controls the more general
    § 1182(f). See 
    id. (“This is
    particularly so where the scope of the earlier statute is
    broad but the subsequent statutes more specifically address the topic at hand.”);
    Radzanower v. Touche Ross & Co., 
    426 U.S. 148
    , 153 (1976). Section 1157
    provides a very specific process for “appropriate consultation” that the President
    must follow before setting the number of refugees to be admitted to the United
    States that is justified by humanitarian concerns or is otherwise in the national
    58
    interest. “Appropriate consultation” requires in-person discussions between
    cabinet-level representatives and members of Congress “to review the refugee
    situation or emergency refugee situation, to project the extent of possible
    participation of the United States therein, [and] to discuss the reasons for believing
    that the proposed admission of refugees is justified by humanitarian concerns or
    grave humanitarian concerns or is otherwise in the national interest . . . .” 8 U.S.C.
    § 1157(e). As part of the consultation, the Executive also must present the
    following information:
    (1) A description of the nature of the refugee situation.
    (2) A description of the number and allocation of the refugees to be
    admitted and an analysis of conditions within the countries from which
    they came.
    (3) A description of the proposed plans for their movement and
    resettlement and the estimated cost of their movement and resettlement.
    (4) An analysis of the anticipated social, economic, and demographic
    impact of their admission to the United States.
    (5) A description of the extent to which other countries will admit and
    assist in the resettlement of such refugees.
    (6) An analysis of the impact of the participation of the United States
    in the resettlement of such refugees on the foreign policy interests of
    the United States.
    (7) Such additional information as may be appropriate or requested by
    such members.
    
    Id. According to
    the statute, this information would ideally be provided at least
    two weeks in advance of the discussions. 
    Id. Congress prescribed
    specific actions the President must take before setting
    the number of refugees who may be admitted as justified by humanitarian concerns
    59
    or as otherwise in the national interest. See generally 8 U.S.C. § 1157. The
    President relied on § 1182(f)—an earlier and more general provision—to conclude
    that admission of refugees above 50,000 is detrimental to the interest of the United
    States. But § 1157, a “narrow, precise, and specific” statutory provision, may not
    be overridden by § 1182(f), a provision “covering a more generalized spectrum” of
    issues. 
    Radzanower, 426 U.S. at 153
    –54; see also Nitro–Lift Techs., LLC v.
    Howard, 
    133 S. Ct. 500
    , 504 (2012) (explaining that the interpretive principle
    generalia specialibus non derogant means that “the specific governs the general”
    and applies to conflict between “laws of equivalent dignity”).
    As a result, Plaintiffs have also shown a likelihood of success on the merits
    for their argument that Section 6(b) of EO2 conflicts with 8 U.S.C. § 1157.
    4
    Plaintiffs additionally argue that EO2 conflicts with 8 U.S.C.
    § 1182(a)(3)(B), which sets forth detailed and “specific criteria for determining
    terrorism-related inadmissibility.” 
    Din, 135 S. Ct. at 2140
    .
    EO2 attempts to eliminate the marginal risk of “erroneously permitting entry
    of a national of one of these countries who intends to commit terrorist acts,” 82
    Fed. Reg. at 13211, by suspending entry of all nationals from the six designated
    countries. We need not decide the precise scope of § 1182(f) authority in relation
    to § 1182(a)(3)(B) because the President has not met the precondition to exercising
    60
    his power under § 1182(f), that is, of making a detrimentality finding. We note,
    however, that executive action should not render superfluous Congress’s
    requirement that there be a “reasonable ground to believe” that an alien “is likely
    to engage after entry in any [specifically defined] terrorist activity,” 8 U.S.C.
    § 1182(a)(3)(B)(i)(II), and other specific grounds for terrorism-related
    admissibility. Cf. 
    Abourezk, 785 F.2d at 1049
    n.2 (“The President’s sweeping
    proclamation power [under § 1182(f)] provides a safeguard against the danger
    posed by any particular case or class of cases that is not covered by one of the
    categories in section 1182(a).” (emphasis added)); Allende v. Shultz, 
    845 F.2d 1111
    , 1118 (1st Cir. 1988) (“Each subsection [of § 1182(a)] creates a different and
    distinct ground for exclusion.”).
    5
    Finally, we note that in considering the President’s authority, we are
    cognizant of Justice Jackson’s tripartite framework in Youngstown Sheet & Tube
    Co. v. Sawyer. See 
    343 U.S. 579
    , 635–38 (1952) (Jackson, J., concurring).
    Section 1182(f) ordinarily places the President’s authority at its maximum. “When
    the President acts pursuant to an express or implied authorization of Congress, his
    authority is at its maximum, for it includes all that he possesses in his own right
    plus all that Congress can delegate.” 
    Id. at 635.
    However, given the express will
    of Congress through § 1152(a)(1)(A)’s non-discrimination mandate, § 1157’s
    61
    procedure for refugee admissions to this country, and § 1182(a)(3)(B)’s criteria for
    determining terrorism-related inadmissibility, the President took measures that
    were incompatible with the expressed will of Congress, placing his power “at its
    lowest ebb.” 
    Id. at 637.
    In this zone, “Presidential claim to a power at once so
    conclusive and preclusive must be scrutinized with caution, for what is at stake is
    the equilibrium established by our constitutional system.” 
    Id. at 638.
    We have
    based our decision holding the entry ban unlawful on statutory considerations, and
    nothing said herein precludes Congress and the President from reaching a new
    understanding and confirming it by statute. If there were such consensus between
    Congress and the President, then we would view Presidential power at its
    maximum, and not in the weakened state based on conflict with statutory law. See
    
    id. at 635–38.
    * * *
    In sum, we conclude that Plaintiffs have shown a likelihood of success on
    the merits at least as to their arguments that EO2 contravenes the INA by
    exceeding the President’s authority under § 1182(f), discriminating on the basis of
    nationality, and disregarding the procedures for setting annual admissions of
    refugees.21
    21
    Because this claim relates to EO2’s conflict with the INA, we leave open
    whether and in what circumstances the President may suspend entry under his
    62
    C
    The current record is sufficient to permit the court’s evaluation of the
    irreparable harms threatening Plaintiffs. Plaintiffs identify harms, such as
    prolonged separation from family members, constraints to recruiting and attracting
    students and faculty members to the University of Hawai‘i, decreased tuition
    revenue, and the State’s inability to assist in refugee resettlement. Many of these
    harms are not compensable with monetary damages and therefore weigh in favor
    of finding irreparable harm. See, e.g., 
    Washington, 847 F.3d at 1169
    (identifying
    harms such as harms to States’ university employees and students, separated
    families, and stranded States’ residents abroad); Regents of Univ. of Cal. v. Am.
    Broad. Cos., Inc., 
    747 F.2d 511
    , 520 (9th Cir. 1984) (crediting intangible harms
    such as the “impairment of their ongoing recruitment programs [and] the
    dissipation of alumni and community goodwill and support garnered over the
    years”); cf. Moore v. City of E. Cleveland, Ohio, 
    431 U.S. 494
    , 503–04 (1977)
    (explaining that “the Constitution protects the sanctity of the family precisely
    because the institution of the family is deeply rooted in this Nation’s history and
    tradition”).
    We conclude Plaintiffs are likely to suffer irreparable harm in the absence of
    inherent powers as commander-in-chief or in a time of national emergency. See,
    e.g., Legal Assistance for Vietnamese Asylum 
    Seekers, 45 F.3d at 473
    .
    63
    preliminary relief.
    D
    In considering the equities of a preliminary injunction, we next “balance the
    competing claims of injury” and “consider the effect on each party of the granting
    or withholding of the requested relief.” 
    Winter, 555 U.S. at 24
    .
    The district court did not abuse its discretion in finding that the balance of
    hardships tipped in Plaintiffs’ favor. The Government argues that the injunction
    causes direct, irreparable injury by constraining the Executive’s authority in
    “protect[ing] national security on behalf of the entire United States.”22 “[T]he
    Government’s interest in combating terrorism is an urgent objective of the highest
    order.” Humanitarian Law 
    Project, 561 U.S. at 28
    . Nonetheless, the President
    must exercise his authority under § 1182(f) lawfully by making sufficient findings
    justifying that entry of certain classes of aliens would be detrimental to the national
    interest and ensuring that such exercise does not conflict with other INA
    22
    To the extent the Government argues that it is injured simply by nature of the
    judiciary limiting the President’s authority, ipso facto, when it argues that it
    suffered a “form of irreparable injury” because it was “enjoined by a court from
    effectuating statutes enacted by representatives of its people,” we reject that
    argument. See 
    Robel, 389 U.S. at 264
    (“[The] concept of ‘national defense’ cannot
    be deemed an end in itself, justifying any exercise of . . . power designed to
    promote such a goal. Implicit in the term ‘national defense’ is the notion of
    defending those values and ideals which set this Nation apart.”); see also Int’l
    Refugee Assistance Project, 
    2017 WL 2273306
    , at *25 (rejecting the
    Government’s “institutional injury” argument, as “even the President’s actions are
    not above judicial scrutiny”).
    64
    provisions. Because the President has not done so, we cannot conclude that
    national security interests outweigh the harms to Plaintiffs. See Int’l Refugee
    Assistance Project, 
    2017 WL 2273306
    , at *32 (Keenan, J., concurring in part and
    concurring in the judgment).
    Further, the Government has not put forth evidence of injuries resulting from
    the preliminary injunction, or how the screening and vetting procedures in place
    before the Order was enjoined were inadequate such that the Order should take
    immediate effect. Continuing to enjoin portions of EO2 restores immigration
    procedures and programs to the position they were in prior to its issuance. See
    
    Washington, 847 F.3d at 1168
    ; see also Brief of Former National Security Officials
    as Amici Curiae, Dkt. No. 108 at 9 (explaining that a number of amici officials, in
    office on January 20, 2017 and current on active intelligence, knew of no “credible
    terrorist threat streams directed against the United States” at that time).
    In weighing the harms, the equities tip in Plaintiffs’ favor.
    E
    Plaintiffs must finally show that preliminary injunctive relief is in the public
    interest.
    National security is undoubtedly a paramount public interest. See Haig v.
    Agee, 
    453 U.S. 280
    , 307 (1981) (“[N]o governmental interest is more compelling
    65
    than the security of the Nation.”).23 Although we recognize that “sensitive and
    weighty interests of national security and foreign affairs” are implicated,
    Humanitarian Law 
    Project, 561 U.S. at 33
    –34, the President must nonetheless
    exercise his executive power under § 1182(f) lawfully. The public interest is
    served by “curtailing unlawful executive action.” 
    Texas, 809 F.3d at 187
    .
    The public interests in uniting families and supporting humanitarian efforts
    in refugee resettlement support the conclusion that the public interest is served by
    preliminarily enjoining EO2 and maintaining the status quo. Cf. Solis-Espinoza v.
    Gonzales, 
    401 F.3d 1090
    , 1094 (9th Cir. 2005) (“Public policy supports
    23
    Several amici contend that the Order not only serves no national security
    interest, but actually harms our security. See, e.g., Brief of Former National
    Security Officials as Amici Curiae, Dkt. No. 108 at 2 (explaining that the Order
    will harm the country’s national security and foreign policy interest: “It will
    endanger troops in the field, and disrupt key counterterrorism and national security
    partnerships. It will aid the propaganda effort of the Islamic State in Iraq and the
    Levant (“ISIL”) and support its recruitment message. By feeding the narrative that
    the United States is at war with Islam, the Order will impair relationships with the
    very Muslim communities that law enforcement professionals rely on to address
    the threat of terrorism. And it will have a damaging humanitarian and economic
    impact.”); Brief of Former Federal Immigration and Homeland Security Officials
    as Amici Curiae, Dkt. No. 176 at 20–21 (“[T]he Order weakens vetting protocols
    and procedures by using national-origin discrimination as a substitute for
    individualized threat assessments. The Order also threatens to fracture critical
    military, intelligence, and counterterrorism partnerships and hinder cooperation
    with the very communities with which law enforcement professionals work to
    disrupt terrorist plots.”); Brief of Doe Plaintiffs as Amici Curiae, Dkt. No. 276, Ex.
    G., U.S. Dep’t of State, Dissent Channel: Alternatives to Closing Doors in Order to
    Secure Our Borders (voicing the State Department officers’ concerns about EO1).
    A draft DHS report also concluded that citizenship “is unlikely to be a reliable
    indicator of potential terrorist activity.”
    66
    recognition and maintenance of a family unit. The [INA] was intended to keep
    families together. It should be construed in favor of family units and the
    acceptance of responsibility by family members.”); Kaliski v. Dist. Dir. of INS, 
    620 F.2d 214
    , 217 (9th Cir. 1980) (explaining that “the humane purpose” of the INA is
    to reunite families).
    Amici also have identified specific harms that will result if EO2 takes effect,
    bolstering the conclusion that the injunction is in the public interest. They explain
    that EO2 would, inter alia: curtail children’s ability to travel to the United States to
    obtain life-saving medical care, see Brief of the Foundation for the Children of Iran
    and Iranian Alliances Across Borders as Amici Curiae, Dkt. No. 77; undermine the
    efforts of religious organizations in the United States rendering humanitarian aid,
    see Brief of Episcopal Bishops as Amici Curiae, Dkt. No. 87; compromise the
    diversity interests that are central to universities, see Brief of New York University
    as Amicus Curiae, Dkt. No. 95; deter international students, faculty, and scholars
    from studying at American universities and harm the research mission of
    universities, see Brief of Colleges and Universities as Amici Curiae, Dkt. No. 97;
    impose additional hardship for child refugees already facing violence and trauma,
    see Brief of Professional Society on the Abuse of Children as Amicus Curiae, Dkt.
    No. 107; immediately harm refugees who will be denied entry and risk the vitality
    of entire refugee assistance programs and resettlement efforts, see Brief of
    67
    Interfaith Group of Religions and Interreligious Organizations as Amici Curiae,
    Dkt. No. 121, Brief of Oxfam America as Amicus Curiae, Dkt. No. 149, Brief of
    HIAS, IRC, and USCRI as Amici Curiae, Dkt. No. 155, Brief of Doe Plaintiffs as
    Amici Curiae, Dkt. No. 276; uniquely exclude Muslim family members, scholars,
    religious leaders, and professionals from entry, see Brief of Muslim Rights,
    Professional, and Public Health Organizations as Amici Curiae, Dkt. No. 124,
    Brief of Muslim Justice League et al. as Amici Curiae, Dkt. No. 207; inflict
    proprietary harms on the states by harming state colleges, disrupting staffing and
    research at state medical institutions, and reducing tax revenues and reinvestment
    of refugee funding into local economies, see Brief of Illinois et al. as Amici Curiae,
    Dkt. No. 125; undermine trust between law enforcement and immigrant
    communities and inflict financial and social costs, such as loss of tourism dollars,
    see Brief of Chicago et al. as Amici Curiae, Dkt. No. 137; interfere with union
    members’ ability to do their work and serve the American public, see Brief of
    Service Employees International Union et al. as Amici Curiae, Dkt. No. 166; harm
    American competitiveness by disrupting ongoing business operations and
    inhibiting technology companies’ abilities to attract talent, business, and
    investment to the United States, see Brief of Technology Companies as Amici
    Curiae, Dkt. No. 180, Brief of Massachusetts Technology Leadership Council as
    Amicus Curiae, Dkt. No. 194; place victims of gender-based violence at particular
    68
    risk, see Tahirih Justice Center et al. as Amici Curiae, Dkt. No. 185; interrupt
    foreign artists’ exhibitions and performances in the United States, see Brief of the
    Association of Art Museum Directors et al. as Amici Curiae, Dkt. No. 204; and
    prevent U.S. citizens and lawful permanent residents from receiving visits from or
    reuniting with family members, see Brief of Human Rights First et al. as Amici
    Curiae, Dkt. No. 222.
    The public interest favors affirming the preliminary injunction. See 
    Winter, 555 U.S. at 24
    (“In exercising their sound discretion, courts of equity should pay
    particular regard for the public consequences in employing the extraordinary
    remedy of injunction.”).
    * * *
    Plaintiffs have satisfied all four factors to warrant entry of the preliminary
    injunction. See 
    id. at 20.
    The district court did not abuse its discretion in granting
    an injunction.
    V
    With respect to the injunction’s scope, the Government contends that the
    district court erred by enjoining internal government procedures, giving nationwide
    relief, and entering an order against the President.
    We review the scope of a preliminary injunction for abuse of discretion.
    McCormack v. Hiedeman, 
    694 F.3d 1004
    , 1010 (9th Cir. 2012). Although the
    69
    district court has “considerable discretion in fashioning suitable relief and defining
    the terms of an injunction,” Lamb-Weston, Inc. v. McCain Foods, Ltd., 
    941 F.2d 970
    , 974 (9th Cir. 1991), there are limitations on this discretion. Injunctive relief
    must be tailored to remedy the specific harms shown by the plaintiffs. See 
    id. (“Injunctive relief
    . . . must be tailored to remedy the specific harm alleged.”);
    Califano v. Yamasaki, 
    442 U.S. 682
    , 702 (1979) (“[T]he scope of injunctive relief
    is dictated by the extent of the violation established . . . .”). “An overbroad
    injunction is an abuse of discretion.” 
    Stormans, 586 F.3d at 1140
    .
    A
    The Government first argues that the injunction improperly enjoins
    enforcement of parts of Sections 2 and 6 that are unrelated to any alleged harm to
    Plaintiffs—specifically, the provisions that pertain to internal government
    operations and procedures.
    Portions of Section 2 require various agencies to conduct a review of
    worldwide vetting procedures to determine what additional information, if any, is
    needed from each foreign country to adjudicate a visa application, prepare a report
    on the results of the worldwide review, submit a list of countries that do not
    provide requested information to the President, and recommend other lawful
    restrictions or limitations deemed necessary for the security of the United States.
    82 Fed. Reg. at 13212–13. Likewise, during the interim period when refugee
    70
    admissions is suspended, Section 6 directs the Secretary of State, in conjunction
    with the Secretary of Homeland Security and the Director of National Intelligence,
    to conduct an internal review and implement additional procedures identified by
    the review. 
    Id. at 13215.
    Section 6 also requires the Secretary of State to review
    the “existing law” to determine how State and local jurisdictions could have
    greater involvement in the process of determining refugee placement. 
    Id. at 13216.
    Although other unenjoined sections of EO2 permit interagency coordination
    to review vetting procedures, the district court nonetheless abused its discretion in
    enjoining the inward-facing tasks of Sections 2 and 6. Enjoining the entirety of
    Sections 2 and 6 was not narrowly tailored to addressing only the harms alleged.
    For example, internal determinations regarding the necessary information for visa
    application adjudications do not have an obvious relationship to the constitutional
    rights at stake or statutory conflicts at issue here. Plaintiffs have not shown how
    the Government’s internal review of its vetting procedures will harm them. We
    vacate the preliminary injunction to the extent it enjoins internal review procedures
    that do not burden individuals outside of the executive branch of the federal
    government. See Bresgal v. Brock, 
    843 F.2d 1163
    , 1171 (9th Cir. 1987) (“An
    injunction against a government agency must be structured to take into account
    ‘the well-established rule that the government has traditionally been granted the
    widest latitude in the “dispatch of its own internal affairs.”’” (quoting Rizzo v.
    71
    Goode, 
    423 U.S. 362
    , 378–79 (1976))); cf. Bowen v. Roy, 
    476 U.S. 693
    , 700
    (1986) (explaining that the Free Exercise Clause “affords an individual protection
    from certain forms of governmental compulsion [but] does not afford an individual
    a right to dictate the conduct of the Government’s internal procedures”).
    B
    The Government next argues that the district court erred in enjoining Section
    6’s refugee provisions, specifically the suspension of refugees and adoption of the
    50,000 refugee cap.
    The State alleges that Section 6 will force it to abandon the refugee program
    that embodies the State’s traditions of openness and diversity. The State has
    several policies that aid and resettle refugees, and has a “long history of welcoming
    refugees impacted by war and oppression.” As discussed earlier, OCS, a division
    of the Department of Labor and Industrial Relations, is directed to “[a]ssist and
    coordinate the efforts of all public and private agencies providing services which
    affect the disadvantaged, refugees, and immigrants.” Haw. Rev. Stat. § 371K-4(5).
    OCS also operates the Refugee Social Services Program and the Refugee Cash and
    Medical Assistance Program. See Department of Labor and Industrial Relations,
    Office of Community Services, 2017 Hawaii State Plan for Refugee Assistance
    and Services (2016); https://labor.hawaii.gov/ocs/files/2013/02/FY17-State-Plan-
    for-Hawaii.pdf (last visited June 6, 2017). The State further highlights that aiding
    72
    refugees is central to the mission of private organizations, like Catholic Charities
    Hawai‘i and Pacific Gateway Center.
    Since fiscal year 2010, at least twenty refugees have arrived and resettled in
    Hawai‘i, and in fiscal year 2017 to date, three have resettled there. While this is a
    small number of refugees, it does not diminish Hawai‘i’s interest in effectuating its
    refugee programs and investments. Enjoining the suspension and cap would
    protect the State’s programs and efforts in resettling refugees.
    Although the Government is correct in pointing out that most of Plaintiffs’
    alleged injuries center on the implementation of Section 2(c), at this preliminary
    stage of litigation, the district court did not abuse its discretion by enjoining
    Section 6’s operative provisions suspending refugee admission on the basis of the
    current record. We therefore reject the Government’s challenge on this point.
    C
    The Government next contends that the district court erred by enjoining
    Section 2(c) as to all persons everywhere, rather than redressing only Plaintiffs’
    injuries. The Government requests that the nationwide injunction be limited to
    Plaintiffs only.24
    24
    The Government also argues that to the extent § 1152(a)(1)(A) cabins executive
    authority, the injunction entered by the district court can only apply to immigrant
    visas and should not apply to nonimmigrant visas. We decline to narrow the
    injunction on the grounds proposed by the Government because, even assuming
    73
    The district court identified two reasons to support a nationwide injunction.
    First, the district court emphasized that in certain circumstances, it is appropriate
    for courts to issue nationwide injunctions. Hawai‘i PI, 
    2017 WL 1167383
    , at *8.
    As the Fifth Circuit observed in Texas v. United States, nationwide injunctions are
    particularly appropriate in the immigration context because “immigration laws of
    the United States should be enforced vigorously and 
    uniformly.” 809 F.3d at 187
    –
    88; see U.S. Const. art. I, § 8, cl. 4 (“The Congress shall have Power . . . [t]o
    establish an uniform Rule of Naturalization . . . .”) (emphasis added). Enjoining
    the conduct as to Plaintiffs may result in “fragmented immigration policy [that]
    would run afoul of the constitutional and statutory requirement for uniform
    immigration law and policy.” 
    Washington, 847 F.3d at 1166
    –67 (citing to 
    Texas, 809 F.3d at 187
    –88)).
    Second, the district court made clear that the Government did not provide a
    workable framework for narrowing the geographic scope of the injunction. See 
    id. at 1167
    (“[E]ven if limiting the geographic scope of the injunction would be
    desirable, the Government has not proposed a workable alternative form of the
    TRO that accounts for the nation’s multiple ports of entry and interconnected
    transit system and that would protect the proprietary interests of the States at issue
    the Government is correct, the President failed to meet the precondition to
    exercising his authority under § 1182(f).
    74
    here while nevertheless applying only within the States’ borders.”). On appeal, the
    Government has not offered any new workable method of limiting the geographic
    scope of the injunction.
    An “injunction is not necessarily made over-broad by extending benefit or
    protection to persons other than prevailing parties in the lawsuit—even if it is not a
    class action—if such breadth is necessary to give prevailing parties the relief to
    which they are entitled.” 
    Bresgal, 843 F.2d at 1170
    –71. Narrowing the injunction
    to apply only to Plaintiffs would not cure the statutory violations identified, which
    in all applications would violate provisions of the INA. See Int’l Refugee
    Assistance Project, 
    2017 WL 2273306
    , at *27 (affirming the nationwide injunction
    because Section 2(c) of EO2 likely violates the Establishment Clause, and its
    constitutional deficiency “would endure” in all applications); cf. Nat’l Mining
    Ass’n v. U.S. Army Corps of Eng’rs, 
    145 F.3d 1399
    , 1409 (D.C. Cir. 1998)
    (“[W]hen a reviewing court determines that agency regulations are unlawful, the
    ordinary result is that the rules are vacated—not that their application to the
    individual petitioners is proscribed.” (quoting Harmon v. Thornburgh, 
    878 F.2d 484
    , 495 n.21 (D.C. Cir. 1989))).
    The district court did not abuse its discretion in entering a nationwide
    preliminary injunction.
    75
    D
    Finally, the Government argues that the district court erred by issuing an
    injunction that runs against the President himself. This position of the Government
    is well taken. Generally, we lack “jurisdiction of a bill to enjoin the President in
    the performance of his official duties.” Franklin v. Massachusetts, 
    505 U.S. 788
    ,
    802–03 (1992) (quoting Mississippi v. Johnson, 
    71 U.S. 475
    , 501 (1866)); see 
    id. at 802
    (“[I]njunctive relief against the President himself is extraordinary, and
    should . . . raise[] judicial eyebrows.”). Injunctive relief, however, may run against
    executive officials, including the Secretary of Homeland Security and the Secretary
    of State. See, e.g., Youngstown Sheet & Tube 
    Co., 343 U.S. at 588
    –89 (holding
    that President Truman did not act within his constitutional power in seizing steel
    mills and affirming the district court’s decision enjoining the Secretary of
    Commerce from carrying out the order); 
    Franklin, 505 U.S. at 802
    –03.
    We conclude that Plaintiffs’ injuries can be redressed fully by injunctive
    relief against the remaining Defendants, and that the extraordinary remedy of
    enjoining the President is not appropriate here. See 
    Franklin, 505 U.S. at 803
    . We
    therefore vacate the district court’s injunction to the extent the order runs against
    the President, but affirm to the extent that it runs against the remaining
    “Defendants and all their respective officers, agents, servants, employees, and
    attorneys, and persons in active concert or participation with them.”
    76
    E
    The district court did err in enjoining the entirety of Sections 2 and 6,
    particularly the portions that pertain to interagency review, despite the
    Government’s requests for clarification and requests to narrow the injunction to
    enjoin conduct that actually harms Plaintiffs. The district court abused its
    discretion in enjoining inward-facing agency conduct because enjoining this
    conduct would not remedy the harms asserted by Plaintiffs. Further, the district
    court abused its discretion in enjoining the President. We would not be able to
    affirm in full the preliminary injunction even if Plaintiffs were also likely to
    succeed on their constitutional claims, for reasons that enjoining internal review
    procedures does not remedy harms to Plaintiffs and because it is improper to enjoin
    the President without necessity. As we have affirmed the injunction in part on
    statutory grounds, and vacated certain parts on the basis of considerations
    governing the proper scope of an injunction, we need not consider the
    constitutional claims here.
    VI
    We affirm in part and vacate in part the district court’s preliminary
    injunction order. As to the remaining Defendants, we affirm the injunction as to
    Section 2(c), suspending entry of nationals from the six designated countries for 90
    days; Section 6(a), suspending USRAP for 120 days; and Section 6(b), capping the
    77
    entry of refugees to 50,000 in the fiscal year 2017. We vacate the portions of the
    injunction that prevent the Government from conducting internal reviews, as
    otherwise directed in Sections 2 and 6, and the injunction to the extent that it runs
    against the President. We remand the case to the district court with instructions to
    re-issue a preliminary injunction consistent with this opinion.25
    AFFIRMED in part; VACATED in part; and REMANDED with
    instructions. Each party shall bear its own costs on appeal.
    25
    The Government’s motion for a stay pending appeal is DENIED as moot.
    78
    COUNSEL
    Jeffrey Bryan Wall (argued), Acting Solicitor General; Edwin S. Kneedler, Deputy
    Solicitor General; Sharon Swingle, Anne Murphy, Lowell V. Sturgill Jr., H.
    Thomas Byron III, and Douglas N. Letter, Attorneys, Appellate Staff; August E.
    Flentje, Special Counsel to the Assistant Attorney General; Elliot Enoki, Acting
    United States Attorney; Chad A. Readler, Acting Assistant Attorney General; Civil
    Division, United States Department of Justice, Washington, D.C.; for Defendants-
    Appellants.
    Neal Kumar Katyal (argued), Colleen Roh Sinzdak, Mitchell P. Reich, and
    Elizabeth Hagerty, Hogan Lovells US LLP, Washington, D.C.; Thomas P.
    Schmidt, Hogan Lovells US LLP, New York, New York; Sara Solow and
    Alexander B. Bowerman, Hogan Lovells US LLP, Philadelphia, PA; Douglas S.
    Chin, Attorney General; Clyde J. Wadsworth, Solicitor General; Deirdre Marie-
    Iha, Donna H. Kalama, Kimberly T. Guidry, and Robert T. Nakatsuji, Deputy
    Attorneys General; Department of the Attorney General, Honolulu, Hawai‘i; for
    Plaintiffs-Appellees.
    Scott A. Keller, Solicitor General; J. Campbell Barker, Deputy Solicitor General;
    Ari Cuenin, Assistant Solicitor General; Ken Paxton, Attorney General; Jeffrey C.
    Mateer, First Assistant Attorney General; Office of the Attorney General, Austin,
    Texas; for Amici Curiae States of Texas, Alabama, Arizona, Arkansas, Florida,
    Kansas, Louisiana, Montana, North Dakota, Oklahoma, South Carolina, South
    Dakota, Tennessee, and West Virginia, and Governor Phil Bryant of the State of
    Mississippi.
    Amir H. Ali, Roderick & Solange MacArthur Justice Center, Washington, D.C.;
    Jessica M. Wan, Lisa W. Cataldo, and David J. Minkin, McCorriston Miller Mukai
    MacKinnon LLP, Honolulu, Hawai‘i; for Amicus Curiae The Roderick and
    Solange MacArthur Justice Center.
    Robert D. Fram and Alexandra P. Grayner, Covington & Burling LLP, San
    Francisco, California; Andrew Guy, Michael Baker, Karun Tilak, and Ligia M.
    Markman, Covington & Burling LLP, Washington, D.C.; for Amici Curiae
    Interfaith Coalition.
    Kevin P. Martin, Eileen L. Morrison, Alicia Rubio, Joshua M. Daniels, William B.
    Brady, and Nicholas K. Mitrokostas, Goodwin Procter LLP, Boston,
    Massachusetts, for Amici Curiae The Foundation for the Children of Iran and
    79
    Iranian Alliances Across Borders.
    Michael R. Scott, Lisa J. Chaiet Rahman, and Amit D. Ranade, Hillis Clark Martin
    & Peterson P.S., Seattle, Washington, for Amici Curiae Episcopal Bishops.
    Dan Jackson, R. Adam Lauridsen, and John W. Keker, Keker, Van Nest & Peters
    LLP, San Francisco, California, for Amicus Curiae Khizr Khan.
    Lary A. Rappaport, Proskauer Rose LLP, Los Angeles, California; Terrance Nolan,
    General Counsel and Secretary, New York University, New York, New York;
    Claire Wong Black and J. Blaine Rogers, Alston Hunt Floyd & Ing, Honolulu,
    Hawai‘i; Tiffany M. Woo, Seth D. Fiur, and Steven E. Obus, Proskaur Rose LLP,
    New York, New York; for Amicus Curiae New York University.
    Aaron X. Fellmeth, Sandra Day O’Connor College of Law, Arizona State
    University, Phoenix, Arizona; Jonathan Hafetz, Seton Hall University School of
    Law, Newark, New Jersey; Joseph M. McMillan and Michelle L. Maley, Perkins
    Coie LLP, Seattle, Washington; for Amici Curiae International Law Scholars and
    Nongovernmental Organizations.
    Lindsay C. Harrison, Tassity S. Johnson, Erica L. Ross, and Thomas J. Perrelli,
    Jenner & Block LLP, Washington, D.C., for Amici Curiae Colleges and
    Universities.
    Mary Kelly Persyn, Persyn Law & Policy, San Francisco, California, for Amicus
    Curiae American Professional Society on the Abuse of Children.
    Jonathan M. Freiman and Tahlia Townsend, Wiggin and Dana LLP, New Haven,
    Connecticut; Harold Hongju Koh and Hope Metcalf, Rule of Law Clinic, Yale
    Law School, New Haven, Connecticut; for Amici Curiae Former National Security
    Officials.
    Anna-Rose Mathieson and Ben Feuer, California Appellate Law Group LLP, San
    Francisco, California, for Amici Curiae Scholars of American Religious History &
    Law.
    Richard D. Bernstein, Willkie Farr & Gallagher LLP, Washington, D.C., for
    Amicus Curiae T.A., a U.S. Citizen of Yemeni Descent.
    Joshua Matz, Robbins, Russell, Englert, Orseck, Untereiner & Sauber LLP,
    80
    Washington, D.C., for Amici Curiae Constitutional Law Scholars.
    Marc A. Hearron, Morrison & Foerster LLP, Washington, D.C.; Purvi G. Patel,
    Morrison & Foerster LLP, Los Angeles, California; Amanda Aikman and Jennifer
    K. Brown, Morrison & Foerster LLP, New York, New York; Sandeep N.
    Nandivada, Morrison & Foerster LLP, McLean, Virginia; for Amici Curiae
    Interfaith Group of Religious and Interreligious Organizations.
    Anton A. Ware, Arnold & Porter Kaye Scholer LLP, San Francisco, California;
    Aziz Huq, Johnathan J. Smith, and Farhana Khera, Muslim Advocates, Oakland,
    California; for Amici Curiae Muslim Rights, Professional and Public Health
    Organizations.
    David L. Franklin, Solicitor General, and Lisa Madigan, Attorney General, Office
    of the Illinois Attorney General, Chicago, Illinois; for Amici Curiae States of
    Illinois, California, Connecticut, Delaware, Iowa, Maine, Maryland,
    Massachusetts, New Mexico, New York, North Carolina, Oregon, Rhode Island,
    Vermont, Virginia, and Washington, and the District of Columbia.
    William S. Consovoy, Consovoy McCarthy Park PLLC, Arlington, Virginia;
    Kimberly S. Hermann, Southeastern Legal Foundation, Marietta, Georgia; for
    Amicus Curiae Southeastern Legal Foundation, Inc.
    Edward L. White III and Erik M. Zimmerman, American Center for Law and
    Justice, Ann Arbor, Michigan; Geoffrey R. Surtees and Francis J. Manion,
    American Center for Law and Justice, New Hope, Kentucky; Benjamin P. Sisney,
    Matthew R. Clark, Craig L. Parshall, Jordan Sekulow, Andrew J. Ekonomou,
    Colby M. May, Stuart J. Roth, and Jay Alan Sekulow, American Center for Law
    and Justice, Washington, D.C.; for Amicus Curiae American Center for Law and
    Justice.
    Pratik A. Shah and Martine E. Cicconi, Akin Gump Strauss Hauer & Feld LLP,
    Washington, D.C.; Robert S. Chang, Fred T. Korematsu Center for Law and
    Equality, Seattle, Washington; Eric Yamamoto, Fred T. Korematsu Professor of
    Law and Social Justice, Honolulu, Hawai‘i; Claire Wong Black and Louise K.Y.
    Ing; Alston Hunt Floyd & Ing, Honolulu, Hawai‘i; Alice Hsu and Robert A.
    Johnson, Akin Gump Strauss Hauer & Feld LLP, New York, New York; Jessica
    M. Weisel, Akin Gump Strauss Hauer & Feld LLP, Los Angeles, California; for
    Amici Curiae Fred T. Korematsu Center for Law and Equality, Jay Hirabayashi,
    Holly Yasui, Karen Korematsu, Civil Rights Organizations, and National Bar
    81
    Associations of Color.
    Richard B. Katskee, Carmen Green, Bradley Girard, Kelly M. Percival, Andrew L.
    Nellis, and Eric Rothschild, Americans United for Separation of Church and State,
    Washington, D.C.; Gillian Gillers and Kristi L. Graunke, Southern Poverty Law
    Center, Atlanta, Georgia; for Amici Curiae Members of the Clergy, Americans
    United for Separation of Church and State, Bend the Arc: A Jewish Partnership for
    Justice, The Riverside Church in the City of New York, and The Southern Poverty
    Law Center.
    Benna Ruth Solomon, Deputy Corporation Counsel; Edward N. Siskel,
    Corporation Counsel; City of Chicago Department of Law, Chicago, Illinois;
    Eliberty Lopez, Brian Neff, and Ryan P. Poscablo, Riley Safer Holmes & Cancila
    LLP, New York, New York; Nick Kahlon, Riley Safer Holmes & Cancila LLP,
    Chicago, Illinois; for Amici Curiae Cities of Chicago, Los Angeles, New York,
    Philadelphia, and Other Major Cities and Counties.
    Linda A. Klein, President, American Bar Association, Chicago, Illinois; Jared S.
    Stein, Arianna Markel, Erin J. Morgan, Aidan Synnott, and Sidney S. Rosdeitcher,
    New York, New York; for Amicus Curiae American Bar Association.
    Jonathan A. Scruggs and Kevin H. Theriot, Alliance Defending Freedom,
    Scottsdale, Arizona, as and for Amicus Curiae Alliance Defending Freedom.
    Richard P. Bress, Alexandra P. Schechtel, and Elana Nightingale Dawson, Latham
    & Watkins LLP, Washington, D.C.; Christopher Mortweet, Latham & Watkins
    LLP, Menlo Park, California; for Amicus Curiae Oxfam America, Inc.
    Christopher J. Hajec, Mark S. Venezia, and Elizabeth A. Hohenstein, Immigration
    Reform Law Institute, Washington, D.C., as and for Amicus Curiae Immigration
    Reform Law Institute.
    G. Eric Brunstad, Jr., Dechert LLP, Hartford, Connecticut, for Amici Curiae HIAS,
    The IRC, and USCRI.
    Steve W. Berman, Hagens Berman Sobol Shapiro LLP, Seattle, Washington; Leo
    Gertner, Deborah L. Smith, Claire Prestel, and Nicole G. Berner, Service
    Employees International Union, for Amicus Curiae Service Employees
    International Union; Judith Rivlin, Washington, D.C., as and for Amicus Curiae
    American Federation of State, County, and Municipal Employees; Channing M.
    82
    Cooper and David J. Strom, Washington, D.C., as and for Amicus Curiae
    American Federation of Teachers.
    Peter Jaffe, Brent Wible, Lauren Kaplin, and Daniel Braun, Freshfields Bruckhaus
    Deringer US LLP, Washington, D.C.; Karen Wiswall and David Y. Livshiz,
    Freshfields Bruckhaus Deringer US LLP, New York, New York; for Amicus
    Curiae Cato Institute.
    Kenneth A. Klukowski, Alexandria, Virginia, as and for Amicus Curiae American
    Civil Rights Union.
    Elizabeth B. Wydra, David H. Gans, and Brianne J. Gorod, Constitutional
    Accountability Center, Washington, D.C.; Peter Karanjia and Jason Harrow, Davis
    Wright Tremaine LLP, Washington, D.C.; Raymond H. Brescia, Associate
    Professor of Law, Albany Law School, Albany, New York; Victor A. Kovner,
    Davis Wright Tremaine LLP, New York, New York; for Amici Curiae 165
    Members of Congress.
    Michael J. Gottlieb, Aaron E. Nathan, Cain Norris, J. Wells Harrell, Isra Bhatty,
    and Joshua Riley, Boies Schiller Flexner LLP, Washington, D.C.; Eli Glasser,
    Boies Schiller Flexner LLP, Fort Lauderdale, Florida; for Amici Curiae Former
    Federal Immigration and Homeland Security Officials.
    Andrew J. Pincus and Paul W. Hughes, Mayer Brown LLP, Washington, D.C., for
    Amici Curiae Technology Companies.
    Nathaniel C. Love and Robert N. Hochman, Sidley Austin LLP, Chicago, Illinois;
    Charles Roth, National Immigrant Justice Center, Chicago, Illinois; for Amicus
    Curiae National Immigrant Justice Center; Gail Pendelton, Suffield, Connecticut,
    as and for Amicus Curiae ASISTA; Jennie Santos-Bourne, Miami, Florida, as and
    for Amicus Curiae Americans for Immigrant Justice; Linda A. Seabrook, General
    Counsel, San Francisco, California, as and for Amicus Curiae Futures Without
    Violence; Jean Bruggeman, Arlington, Virginia, as and for Amicus Curiae
    Freedom Network USA; Amily K. McCool, Durham, North Carolina, as and for
    Amicus Curiae North Carolina Coalition Against Domestic Violence.
    Victor Williams, Bethesda, Maryland, pro se for Amicus Curiae America First
    Lawyers Association.
    Scott L. Winkelman, Justin Kingsolver, Avi Rutschman, and Luke van
    83
    Houwelingen, Crowell & Moring LLP, Washington, D.C., for Amici Curiae
    Tahirih Justice Center, The Asian Pacific Institute on Gender-Based Violence,
    Casa de Esperanza, and National Domestic Violence Hotline.
    James W. Kim, McDermott Will & Emery LLP, Washington, D.C.; Albert Giang,
    Rachana Pathak, Meredith S.H. Higashi, Navdeep Singh, and Tina R. Matsuoka,
    National Asian Pacific American Bar Association, Washington, D.C.; for Amicus
    Curiae National Asian Pacific American Bar Association.
    Brett R. Tobin, Goodsill Anderson Quinn & Stifel LLP, Honolulu, Hawai‘i; Daniel
    L. McFadden, Christopher E. Hart, Kristyn DeFilipp, and Michael B. Keating,
    Foley Hoag LLP, Boston, Massachusetts, for Amicus Curiae Massachusetts
    Technology Leadership Council, Inc.
    Avi Gesser, Ilan Stein, Jennifer Prevete, Alex Messiter, Joseph Garmon, and
    Kelsey Clark, Davis Polk & Wardwell LLP, New York, New York, for Amici
    Curiae Association of Art Museum Directors, American Alliance of Museums,
    Association of Academic Museums and Galleries, College Art Association, and
    101 Art Museums.
    Herbert W. Titus, Jeremiah L. Morgan, William J. Olson, and Robert J. Olson,
    William J. Olson P.C., Vienna, Virginia; Michael Boos, Citizens United,
    Washington, D.C.; Joseph W. Miller, U.S. Justice Foundation, Ramona, California;
    for Amici Curiae U.S. Justice Foundation, Citizens United, Citizens United
    Foundation, English First Foundation, English First, Public Advocate of the United
    States, Gun Owners Foundation, Gun Owners of America, Conservative Legal
    Defense and Education Fund, U.S. Border Control Foundation, and Policy
    Analysis Center.
    Benjamin G. Shatz, Ketakee Kane, Olufunmilayo Showole, Matthew Bottomly,
    Sirena Castillo, John W. McGuinness, and Amy Briggs, Manatt Phelps & Phillips
    LLP, Los Angeles, California, for Amici Curiae Muslim Justice League, Islamic
    Circle of North America, and Council of American-Islamic Relations, California.
    Claire Loebs Davis, Taylor Washburn, and Jessica N. Walder, Lane Powell PC,
    Seattle, Washington, for Amici Curiae Law Professors.
    Lena F. Masri, National Litigation Director, Council on American-Islamic
    Relations, Washington, D.C.; Gadeir I. Abbas, Law Office of Gadeir Abbas,
    Washington, D.C.; for Amici Curiae Muslim Civil Rights Activists Linda Sarsour,
    84
    Rashida Tlaib, Zahra Billoo, Basim Elkarra, Hussam Ayloush, Alia Salem, Adam
    Soltani, Imraan Siddiqi, Namira Islam, Karen Dabdoub, Jim Sues, Hanif Mohebi,
    and Jaylani Hussein.
    Ester Sung, Melissa S. Keaney, Nicholas Espíritu, and Karen C. Tumlin, National
    Immigration Law Center, Los Angeles, California; Justin B. Cox, National
    Immigration Law Center, Atlanta, Georgia; Mark Doss, Lara Finkbeiner, Stephen
    Poellot, and Rebecca Heller, International Refugee Assistance Project at the Urban
    Justice Center, New York, New York; for Amici Curiae National Immigration Law
    Center and International Refugee Assistance Project.
    Nicole Y. Altman, Goodsill Anderson Quinn & Stifel LLP, Honolulu, Hawai‘i;
    Lilly Landsman-Roos and John B. Harris, Frankfurt Kurnit Klein & Selz PC, New
    York, New York; Michael Lieberman, Melissa Garlick, Lauren A. Jones, and
    Steven M. Freeman, Anti-Defamation League, New York, New York; Doron F.
    Ezickson, Anti-Defamation League, Washington, D.C.; Alyssa T. Saunders and
    David E. Mills, Cooley LLP, Washington, D.C.; David Bohm, Danna McKintrick
    P.C., St. Louis, Missouri; for Amici Curiae Anti-Defamation League, Jewish
    Council for Public Affairs, Union for Reform Judaism, Central Conference of
    American Rabbis, and Women of Reform Judaism.
    Alan C. Turner, Simpson Thacher & Bartlett LLP, New York, New York; Jonathan
    Mincer and Harrison Frahn, Simpson Thacher & Bartlett LLP, Palo Alto,
    California; for Amici Curiae Human Rights First, Kids in Need of Defense
    (KIND), City Bar Justice Center, Community Legal Services in East Palo Alto,
    Catholic Migration Services, the Door’s Legal Services Center, Safe Passage
    Project, and Sanctuary for Families.
    Matthew E. Sloan, Alyssa J. Clover, Richard A. Schwartz, and Allison B.
    Holcombe, Skadden, Arps, Slate, Meagher & Flom LLP, Los Angeles, California;
    Jennifer H. Berman and Eric J. Gorman, Skadden, Arps, Slate, Meagher & Flom
    LLP, Chicago, Illinois; Jonathan Fombonne, Sarah Grossnickle, and Noelle M.
    Reed, Skadden, Arps, Slate, Meagher & Flom LLP, Houston, Texas; Joseph M.
    Sandman, Skadden, Arps, Slate, Meagher & Flom LLP, Washington, D.C.; Aaron
    Morris, Immigration Equality, New York, New York; Virginia M. Goggin, New
    York City Gay and Lesbian Anti-Violence Project, New York, New York; Glenn
    Magpantay, The National Queer Asian Pacific Islander Alliance, New York, New
    York; for Amici Curiae Immigration Equality, New York City Gay and Lesbian
    Anti-Violence Project, and National Queer Asian Pacific Islander Alliance.
    85
    Lynn Lincoln Sarko, Alison S. Gaffney, Derek W. Loeser, Amy Williams-Derry,
    and Tana Lin, Keller Rohrback L.L.P., Seattle, Washington; La Rond Baker and
    Emily Chiang, American Civil Liberties Union of Washington Foundation, Seattle,
    Washington; Laurie B. Ashton, Keller Rohrback L.L.P., Phoenix, Arizona; Alison
    Chase, Keller Rohrback L.L.P., Santa Barbara, California; for Amici Curiae Joseph
    Doe, James Doe, and the Episcopal Diocese of Olympia.
    Patricia S. Rose, Seattle, Washington, for Amici Curiae One Million Kids for
    Equality and African Human Rights Coalition.
    86