DocketNumber: No. 17-2808
Judges: Bauer, Rovner, Wood
Filed Date: 12/7/2018
Status: Precedential
Modified Date: 10/19/2024
*931Oligopolies have always posed problems for conventional antitrust law: without something that can be called an agreement, they elude scrutiny under section 1 of the Sherman Act,
This appeal concerns the fine line between agreement and tacit collusion, or, put another way, conscious parallelism. Direct purchasers of containerboard ("the Purchasers") charged multiple manufacturers with conspiring to increase prices and reduce output between 2004 and 2010. We affirmed the district court's decision to certify a nationwide class of buyers. Kleen Prods. LLC v. Int'l Paper Co. ,
I
A
Containerboard is the name of the material used in countless boxes: it consists of a corrugated layer of heavy paper sandwiched between two smooth pieces of linerboard. Demand is relatively inelastic, meaning that customers will not defect to other products even if the price goes up, because the available substitutes are inferior. Containerboard is manufactured at large, costly mills, which are hard to duplicate, given both the high cost of construction and the myriad of environmental laws that must be satisfied. A handful of major players dominate the industry. Those players include the original defendants in this suit: International Paper ("IP"), Georgia-Pacific, Temple-Inland, Inc., WestRock,
During the early 2000s, prices for containerboard were low. But from February 2004 to November 2010, they rose dramatically. The original defendants attempted to institute price increases on 15 different occasions. The pattern was a common one. After one company announced that it *932would raise its prices for containerboard, the rest followed suit with identical or comparable increases in the ensuing hours, days, or weeks. (The one exception was a failed attempt in which there were three hold-outs.) Such efforts took place from time to time. For example, in March 2003, the defendants attempted an ultimately unsuccessful increase. Of the proposed hikes from 2004 to 2010, Georgia-Pacific, WestRock, and a non-defendant each led the effort twice. The price increases were sustained nine times, a 60% success rate.
While containerboard prices rose, containerboard production capacity fell in North America (despite the inelasticity of demand and growth throughout the rest of the globe). The initial defendants were not immune from this decline. The Purchasers' expert concluded that the defendant companies reduced their production capacity by an amount almost double that of non-defendants, though they used different strategies to accomplish this goal. They closed a significant number of mills during the class period-WestRock alone was responsible for more than a third of those closures. WestRock also took care, through measures such as buyer selection and machinery sales, to avoid adding containerboard supply into the market. Georgia-Pacific kept all its mills running, but it slowed the rate of production. It would periodically "slow back" production by idling or shutting down machines and taking extra downtime. While these practices diminished supply to the point that it sometimes pinched, in the end Georgia-Pacific never missed an order. And the company actually increased its overall capacity by acquiring a new mill in 2007.
During this period, the defendants were in regular communication. Company executives and other employees spoke by phone and at trade association meetings every few days. The record does not reveal the contents of all these conversations, but at least some dealt with the timing and pricing of interfirm trading of containerboard-a common practice.
Internal and public-facing statements made by the defendants' employees shed light on these economic developments. Some email exchanges may be read to imply that the defendants had foreknowledge of other companies' proposed increases before they were announced. For example, just before three price hikes, a PCA employee offered an opinion about how high prices would need to go over the next year and a half in order to recover the cost of capital. A Georgia-Pacific staffer wrote "the party begins" when discussing an increase attempt. A WestRock vice president emailed that the company "always follow[s] IP," even though in fact "always" was an overstatement. And a Weyerhaeuser employee discussed a specific increase two days before WestRock first made its new price public. Other statements support the inference that a coordinated plan was in place. For instance, a Weyerhaeuser employee wrote that he "made up a bunch" of information in a report about what was learned from customers about competition, asking others to "be more specific" to stay "out of anti-trust legal issues." A Norampac executive, discussing problems with the industry, said "you have to be ready to let go business if you want to keep the price up," and "everybody needs to do the same thing."
Georgia-Pacific and WestRock made their own incriminating remarks. Because some details remain under seal in this court, some of our examples are a bit vague, but we have reviewed the sealed materials and they are consistent with the remainder of the evidence. A WestRock vice-president made remarks in an email that could easily be construed as an undertaking to follow-the-leader. A different *933vice-president complained that the company "ha[d] no choice but to support [a price increase] initiative" and that WestRock "ha[d] done [its] part." At one point, a company employee wrote that the "only way to get paid is to have a 1994-95 situation where the tide rises for all boats," perhaps referring to the containerboard industry's earlier run-ins with antitrust law. See, e.g. , In re Linerboard Antitrust Litig. ,
B
In September 2010, the Purchasers filed a putative class action alleging violations of section 1 of the Sherman Act.
All persons that purchased Containerboard Products directly from any of the Defendants or their subsidiaries or affiliates for use or delivery in the United States from at least as early as February 15, 2004 through November 8, 2010.
Kleen Prods. ,
Back in the district court, the litigation rolled onward. The court largely denied the parties' cross-motions to exclude each other's experts. Both sides moved for summary judgment. Before the court acted on those motions, some of the defendants settled with the Purchasers. The district court granted the remaining defendants, Georgia-Pacific and WestRock, summary judgment. In a lengthy opinion that delved deeply into the Purchasers' evidence, the court concluded that the record, viewed holistically in the light most favorable to the Purchasers, did not tend to rule out that the defendants had acted independently. With only the final approval of settlement agreements pending, the district court entered partial final judgment for the remaining defendants under Rule 54(b). The Purchasers ask us to revisit that ruling.
II
Section 1 of the Sherman Act prohibits every "contract, combination, ... or conspiracy in restraint of trade...." Courts have understood for more than a century that this language does not ban all contracts, but instead reaches only agreements that restrict competition. Copperweld Corp. v. Indep. Tube Corp. ,
It is worth recalling that an antitrust plaintiff, like all others, is entitled to try to meet that burden with either direct or circumstantial evidence. Miles Distribs., Inc. v. Specialty Constr. Brands, Inc. ,
Armed with bountiful circumstantial evidence, the Purchasers accuse the defendant manufacturers of agreeing to restrict the supply of containerboard and thereby to create market conditions that would support significantly higher prices. The district court properly considered "economic evidence suggesting that the defendants were not in fact competing, and noneconomic evidence suggesting that they were not competing because they had agreed not to compete." In re High Fructose Corn Syrup Antitrust Litig. ,
Nonetheless, our assessment of the district court's decision is de novo , and so we need only satisfy ourselves that we have the proper standard in mind. In re Dairy Farmers of Am., Inc., Cheese Antitrust Litig. ,
III
A
We start with some structural evidence about the containerboard industry. As we noted in our earlier encounter with this litigation, the market has certain structural features that make it "conducive to successful collusion," such as a small number of manufacturers, vertical integration, inelastic demand, a standardized commodity product, and high barriers to entry. Kleen Prods. ,
[I]f a small number of competitors dominates a market, they will find it safer and easier to fix prices than if there are many competitors of more or less equal size. For the fewer the conspirators, the lower the cost of negotiation and the likelihood of defection.... But the other side of this coin is that the fewer the firms, the easier it is for them to engage in "follow the leader" pricing ("conscious parallelism," as lawyers call it, "tacit collusion" as economists prefer to call it)-which means coordinating their pricing without an actual agreement to do so. As for the apparent anomaly of competitors' raising prices in the face of falling costs, ... this may be not because they've agreed not to compete but because all of them have determined independently that they may be better off with a higher price. That higher price, moreover-the consequence of parallel but independent decisions to raise prices-may generate even greater profits (compared to competitive pricing) if costs are falling, provided that consumers do not have attractive alternatives.
Text Messaging ,
B
Next, we turn to more specific evidence that the Purchasers offered. In establishing both defendants' failure to compete, the Purchasers rely heavily on the 15 price hikes that occurred over the class period. But one must take care with the inferences that can be drawn from such evidence. Following a competitor's price increases can be consistent with rational self-interest in oligopolies. See Text Messaging ,
1
The task before any plaintiff is thus to find and produce evidence that reveals coordination or agreement (even a wink and a nod-formal agreements have never been required for purposes of Sherman Act section 1 ). See
The Purchasers' "proof" of prior knowledge amounts to nothing more than speculation. They emphasize a March 2004 PCA memorandum that said "at least three $40-50 increases over the next 18 months" were needed to recoup the cost of capital. By September 2005, three attempts to raise prices had indeed occurred. But this supposed smoking gun could be nothing more than a somewhat accurate industry prediction. That two of the increases were for $50 is unsurprising, given that most of the 15 attempts were for $40 or $50. More tellingly, the PCA employee did not accurately predict three successful increases, since the second one failed and the third was only for $30.
The evidence that Georgia-Pacific provided or received advance notice is even weaker. The best that the Purchasers offer is a comment made by a Georgia-Pacific employee that "the party begins," following a discussion that a few manufacturers had announced an increase. This remark could merely express enthusiasm about the upward trend in pricing.
Another aspect of the Purchasers' argument is that the rising prices throughout the class period reflect an abrupt change in business practices. If that is an accurate description of what happened, it might support an inference of conspiracy. But before the inference can be drawn, we have looked for a shift in firm behavior, as opposed to external market conditions. See Toys "R" Us ,
A further strike against the Purchasers' case is the failure rate of the manufacturers' efforts: 40% of the attempted increases did not hold. The district court pondered why a company would risk treble damages by colluding on an often-ineffective plan when tacitly following price hikes had no downside risk. Cf. Text Messaging ,
If this was a cartel, it would have tried to impose disciplinary measures on the "cheaters" who did not go along with the price increases. But that type of evidence is conspicuously absent, even though nearly half the price hikes failed. See Petruzzi's IGA Supermarkets, Inc. v. Darling-Del. Co., Inc. ,
2
The second half of the Purchasers' theory focuses on supposedly coordinated reductions of output through mill closures and machine slowdowns. Supply behavior is highly relevant because price-fixing arrangements often function through restrictions of output. See Westinghouse Elec. Corp. v. Gulf Oil Corp. ,
An example illustrates the point. Suppose Company X takes its machines offline more frequently in order to reduce its supply. If competitors follow suit, and industry-wide production falls, all companies can charge more for the commodity and potentially reap greater profits. See Text Messaging ,
*938In re Plasma-Derivative Protein Therapies Antitrust Litig. ,
During the class period, the North American market saw a drop in overall capacity for containerboard. The original defendants collectively were responsible for 19 mill closures. Yet Georgia-Pacific not only kept its mills open; it also purchased a new mill. The Purchasers respond that Georgia-Pacific underutilized its machines, but Georgia-Pacific has an answer for that: its run-to-demand strategy. Under this strategy, which dated back to 1999, Georgia-Pacific aimed to produce just enough containerboard to fill orders without creating excess inventory. Internal communications suggest that this strategy led to some close calls when filling orders, but Georgia-Pacific always found a way to meet its customer demand. Moreover, its acquisition of a mill allowed it to increase its production capacity over the class period.
The Purchasers' strongest evidence undercutting Georgia-Pacific's account are comments in performance reviews that credit employees for getting price increases by keeping inventory low. Because Georgia-Pacific did not have sufficient market power to alter containerboard pricing on its own, the Purchasers insist that these statements can be understood only as proof of an anticompetitive agreement. But underusing machinery is the kind of flexible behavior that is consistent with rational attempts to raise prices through watchful attention to one's competitors' actions. Far from perilous, had Georgia-Pacific's efforts not paid off, it could have increased its output quickly. Georgia-Pacific's supply behavior does not point towards its having a role in any conspiracy.
3
As ammunition against both defendants, the Purchasers cite the frequent contacts that company executives had by phone and at trade association meetings. They allege that the defendants' regular communications and trades served as opportunities for collusion. Some courts have held that this type of information flow, especially between executives, may be probative of conspiracy. E.g. , Stanislaus Food Prods. Co. v. USS-POSCO Indus. ,
The Purchasers have no evidence indicating that the executives discussed illicit price-fixing or output restriction deals during their calls or meetings. They rely instead on the frequency and timing of the contacts. For example, 20 calls were made in the days around a Georgia-Pacific-led price increase, despite the fact that the company had predicted flat pricing just *939two weeks earlier. That is not enough. We cannot put much stock in the frequency of contacts, given the amount of trading that was taking place among the firms. See Dairy Farmers of Am. , 801 F.3d at 763 (where companies were not only competitors but also among each other's largest suppliers and largest customers, plaintiffs needed to point to a communication that "suggest[ed] a meeting of the minds to fix prices"); High Fructose Corn Syrup ,
Furthermore, we hesitate to impugn the companies' intentions solely from the timing of the contacts. To be clear, we do not see the frequency of the calls and meetings as evidence tending to exclude collusion. Such a rule would create an incentive for businesses to make constant phone calls in order to immunize themselves from antitrust liability. Here, however, though some trade association meetings occurred before price-increase proposals, most of Georgia-Pacific's announcements were not preceded by meetings. The Purchasers' speculation about the content of the frequent interfirm contacts is not enough to create a jury issue.
4
Incriminating remarks by defendants' employees can support the inference that a conspiracy existed. See, e.g. , High Fructose Corn Syrup ,
Yet even if these statements are enough to create a triable question about the presence of an agreement generally, they are not enough to show that Georgia-Pacific was a part of that cartel. On this front, the Purchasers present little proof. They point to a speech in which Georgia-Pacific's CEO supposedly suggested that the industry should "say 'no' on deals" that, though competitive, are not profitable. But that is hardly an earthshattering insight, even if proof of the statement were possible without the use of hearsay contained in newspaper articles reporting on the speech. See Eisenstadt v. Centel Corp. ,
C
Some of the Purchasers' evidence was particular to WestRock, to which we now turn. There is a wrinkle in its potential liability: in June 2010, just shy of the close of the class period, WestRock received a discharge in bankruptcy, for which it had filed in 2009. At that moment, it was free of any antitrust liability incurred up to the date of discharge. See In re Travel Agent Comm'n Antitrust Litig. ,
*940Kleen Prods. ,
1
As we have explained, the parallel price hikes alone do not suffice to permit a jury to find a cartel. But the Purchasers cite evidence hinting at WestRock's conspiratorial involvement. For example, they point to an email from Weyerhaeuser that discussed a $50 increase just days before WestRock announced it. Though a publication's email blast had made public the existence of a future attempt, it had gotten the amount wrong. Weyerhaeuser had the right number.
Yet even if this is enough to create a fact question about WestRock's original participation in the alleged agreement, it does nothing to establish that it rejoined the agreement post-discharge. During the relevant period, in July 2010, WestRock did participate in an unsuccessful attempt to hike prices. The Purchasers insist that this reveals more than parallel conduct, given an email between WestRock staff that the company "always follow[s] IP [International Paper]." But, as we have noted several times, merely following a leader is not the same as agreeing to do something. Also of little probative value is the fact that a WestRock vice president met with other manufacturers on the day between the first defendant's joining the increase and WestRock's decision to follow suit. Before this meeting, the increase had been floated by a non-defendant. See Valspar Corp. v. E.I. Du Pont de Nemours ,
2
Perhaps the most compelling evidence of collusion is WestRock's supply restrictions. During the class period, WestRock closed seven of its mills and took other steps to reduce capacity. WestRock attempts to rationalize this behavior in various ways. It claims that the closures were part of a 2003 restructuring plan to get rid of inefficient plants in light of its purchase of a highly efficient mill. It also asserts that it made certain sales decisions in light of a green marketing plan where buyers would assume a mill's associated environmental liabilities. And WestRock reminds us that it sold the mills while it was under the oversight of the bankruptcy court, a committee of creditors, and financial advisors.
These explanations are all plausible. Yet they do not overcome the inference of conspiracy given that, unlike Georgia-Pacific's reversible cuts, WestRock's supply behavior could not be undone easily. Such perilous leading risked significant losses. Furthermore, a vice president wrote that WestRock "ha[d] done [its] part," implying it played a role in a larger agreement. And other company emails state that restricting supply would help raise prices, something no manufacturer could do alone.
While this discussion may suggest that the Purchasers win the day, the insurmountable problem is one of timing: these events occurred pre-discharge. Even assuming *941(favorably to the Purchasers) that WestRock was part of a cartel, they fall short on presenting evidence that WestRock was involved post-discharge. In those months, WestRock did some machine maintenance, but it did not close any mills and generally operated at a high level of production and capacity.
3
Last, we consider the other evidence that the Purchasers lodged against WestRock. This includes incriminating statements made by WestRock employees and an article discussing the CEO's statements that the company needed a restructuring plan to "cut supply enough at [WestRock] to force price increases throughout the industry." The latter is inadmissible hearsay. Eisenstadt ,
Worse for WestRock are two vice-presidents' remarks that the company had "little choice" or "no choice" but to join the price increases, even though one was not supported by supply and demand. The most plausible explanation for its decision to go along with a price hike out of obligation, when that hike is not economically justified, is that WestRock had committed to an agreement. See In re Flat Glass Antitrust Litig. ,
The Purchasers finally offer some economic and noneconomic evidence that could suggest suspicious activity. But even if it is credited, it is not enough to permit a trier of fact to find impermissible coordination. Statements by Georgia-Pacific staff are not enough to cast a cloud over its follow-the-leader price increases and flexible production adjustments. And while some of WestRock's behavior, particularly its mill closures, gives us pause, the Purchasers fail to establish that anything the company did post -discharge amounts to rejoining any existing conspiracy. This case shares many similarities with our decision in Text Messaging . In both situations, the plaintiffs did not discover a "smoking gun or ... additional circumstantial evidence that further tilts the balance in favor of liability." Id. at 871 (citation omitted). The Purchasers may be right that the containerboard industry got savvier at hiding its antitrust violations. But unfortunately for them, they "failed to carry the burden" of "establishing a prima facie case of explicit collusion," offering "no more than a plausible interpretation" of the defendants' anticompetitive conduct. Id. at 876.
IV
The outcome of this case flows directly from both the limitation in section 1 of the Sherman Act to anticompetitive agreements and the Supreme Court's cautions against interfering with individual firm behavior in ways that could inadvertently distort incentives to compete. In Matsushita, the Court warned against "mistaken *942inferences ... [that] chill the very conduct the antitrust laws are designed to protect.' " Matsushita ,
Scholars, lawmakers, and courts have yet to agree on a regulatory regime that can address oligopolistic behavior that leads to higher prices and reduced consumer choice, without stifling normal business activity. For now, we follow established law to the effect that " 'conscious parallelism' has not yet read conspiracy out of the Sherman Act entirely." Twombly ,
Because the evidence proffered by the Purchasers does not tend to exclude the possibility that Georgia-Pacific and WestRock engaged only in tacit collusion, we AFFIRM the judgment of the district court.
Over the lifespan of this case, WestRock has undergone corporate changes and thus has been known by various names, including RockTenn CP, LLC and Smurfit-Stone Container Corporation. We refer to the business by its present name.